From: Berhane Habtemariam (Berhane.Habtemariam@gmx.de)
Date: Tue Sep 13 2011 - 17:33:32 EDT
isited> The Worst of the Worst: Revisited
Who will be the next coconut to fall?
BY GEORGE B.N. AYITTEY | SEPTEMBER 13, 2011
When I listed the "
Worst of the Worst" dictators -- or coconut heads, as I like to call them --
in Foreign Policy last summer, bemoaning their "ignoble qualities of
perfidy, cultural betrayal, and economic devastation," few people thought
the tyrants would fall any time soon. Then on Jan. 14, 2011, came a loud
"THUD!" in Tunisia. A coconut dropped and smashed! Then another in Egypt on
Feb. 11! Then on Aug. 24, rebels in Libya seized the "Brother Leader's"
compound, forcing the rat to flee into his underground tunnels and
disappear. Pro-democracy activists are now vigorously shaking coconut trees
in Africa and the Middle East, hoping that their leaders' rickety
autocracies will also come crashing down.
The so-called experts in the Western media were caught napping. These people
are not ready for democracy, they once
<http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Columnists/Article.aspx?id=209770> told us.
540.html> couldn't even find Egypt on the map, and seemed befuddled by the
"senile and paranoid autocrat," as I called Hosni Mubarak last year.
More pathetic and clueless than anyone else, however, were -- and still are
-- the hardened coconuts themselves. They never saw it coming and never knew
what hit them. With cobwebs dangling from their ears, they remain stone deaf
and impervious to reason. With an abiding faith in their security forces to
protect and save them, they have spent inordinate amounts of time and money
erecting layer upon layer of security between themselves and their people --
just in case one fails.
Under increasing pressure to reform their abominable political systems,
dictators across Africa and the Middle East are resorting to some bizarre
antics. One after another, they perform the same
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6GcUutnU2gk> "coconut boogie":
One swing forward with promises of reform, such as promising not to stand
for reelection or investing in jobs programs;
Three swings back, unleashing the full fury of security forces to brutally
clamp down on street demonstrators, arresting hundreds of activists and
deploying live ammunition, tanks, and jet fighters;
A jerk to the left, with fists pounding on a table and a jab in the air with
clenched fist, vowing to hunt down "rats and traitors";
Then finally, a tumble for a hard landing on a frozen Swiss bank account.
Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, and Muammar al-Qaddafi have all now
done the coconut boogie. Now, it is Syria's Bashar al-Assad's turn, though
he's still clinging to power. More than 2,200 civilians have been killed so
far in the 6-month uprising in Syria, according to the United Nations. But
n_0> the tree is shaking.
Indeed, it is tough to be a coconut these days. The world is closing in on
them. Their citizens are rising up. In the international community,
dictators are finding their circle of friends rapidly dwindling, even in the
places they used to feel most comfortable. The United Nations, generally
petrified of taking on the coconut-heads, adopted a resolution permitting
the international no-fly zone against Qaddafi's forces. Switzerland
zes-on-ben-ali-mubarak-gadhafi/%5d> has frozen the bank accounts of one
despot after another. Coconuts are no longer welcome, now shunned like the
And in this climate, paranoia, suspicion, and fear now grip many dictators,
leading them to overact hysterically to the least provocation or expression
of public dissent. Here are a few examples of the latest antics of some
nervous coconuts from our Worst of the Worst list:
1. OMAR AL-BASHIR
After 21 years in office, Bashir is being hammered from all sides. On Jan.
30, taking inspiration from the events in Tunisia, angry student activists
and unemployed graduates calling themselves Girifna (Arabic for "we are fed
up"), began an uprising against the president's strong-arm rule. They
decried the rising cost of living and demanded that Bashir
<http://www.movements.org/pages/270/> step down. The government's response
was predictable: Riot police and security officers dispersed crowds, beat
demonstrators with batons, fired tear gas, and surrounded universities. One
0U21620110131> reportedly killed. The youth have vowed to regroup and
continue with the protests until Bashir does the Tunisian two-step. But his
options for a safe sanctuary have been vastly diminished since the
International Criminal Court issued a warrant for his arrest in March 2009.
Then on July 2,
Sudan broke away from the Arab-dominated north, taking with it oil wells and
substantial oil deposits. It was not only a huge economic loss but also a
personal humiliation for Bashir, who will now go down in Sudanese history as
the man responsible for the break-up of Sudan. But Bashir's woes are far
from over. He faces a clutch of rebel groups in the western province of
Darfur, in South Kordofan province, as well as in the east. Then in August,
the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in South Kordofan and two factions
from the Sudan Liberation Movement in Darfur joined forces with the declared
goal of overthrowing Bashir's government and establishing a secular state in
the country. Bashir has outsmarted his enemies before, but even he may find
it difficult to maintain control with the country literally falling apart
2. MAHMOUD AHMADINEJAD
In the heat of the Egypt's revolution, Iran's leaders made several crass,
bald-faced attempts to spin the revolt as an example of popular anti-Western
aspirations. The country's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said the
oppressed people of Egypt and Tunisia yearned for an Islamic state modeled
after Iran's and that the street demonstrations were
tml?mod=ITP_pageone_4> "liberating Islamic movements."
Before Mubarak stepped down, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who assumed his
second term only after crushing massive street protests denouncing his
fraudulent election, urged Egyptian protestors to "free" themselves and
choose their own leaders and their own form of government -- as if Iranians
are able do the same. He even
6817.html> organized a pro-government rally in Tehran where Egyptian flags
were handed out to teenage schoolgirls who sang Iran's praises, calling it
the "cradle of Islamic belief and love." The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt was
tml> rejecting the link outright.
The arrogance of the Iranian regime is stultifying, not least because when
opposition leaders asked for permission to stage a demonstration in support
of Egyptian protesters, permission was flatly refused. Defiant protesters
took to the streets of Tehran on Feb. 14 anyway, and were brutally
suppressed. Opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi
6641.html> was placed under house arrest. Then, after brutally suppressing
his own country's pro-democracy activists, Ahmadinejad had the temerity to
condemn Qaddafi's use of force against demonstrators, calling it
Still, Iran's reckless megalomaniac leader is in hot water -- as he has been
since long before the Arab revolutions began to sweep the Middle East. His
incendiary rhetoric is matched in scale only by his decrepit capacity to
deliver basic social services. Iran is an oil-producing country but can't
supply petroleum products to its people and must import them. This type of
failure to attend to the needs of the people is exactly what touched off
civil unrest in Tunisia and Egypt. But in Iran's case, Ahmadinejad might
become the casualty, if not the Islamic Republic itself.
3. YOWERI MUSEVENI
Back in 1986, when he led a rebel insurgency to overthrow strongman Milton
Obote, Yoweri Museveni ebulliently declared, "No African head of state
should be in power for more than 10 years." Twenty-five years later, he is
still there. His credibility in tatters, this coconut-head won re-election
in February with 68 percent of the vote in a
n-As-Opposition-Cries-Foul-116563223.html> stolen election. The electoral
commission was packed with the same men who ensured Museveni's victory in
previous elections. In 2005, Museveni had constitutional term limits
abolished completely in a sham referendum, meaning he could run for
president for life. There are also suspicions that the president is
his son, 36-year-old Lt. Col.
upset-museveni-plans> Muhoozi Kainerugaba, to succeed him.
In June, Uganda's main opposition leader, Kiiza Besigye, called on his
supporters to walk to work to protest the high cost of transportation. The
protest was over an economic issue, not a political one. But the
ever-paranoid government security forces saw it differently
price-hike/> . Describing it as "an act of terrorism," they sprang into
action, beating, tear-gassing, and hauling Besigye to jail. Upon release, he
has vowed to continue with the protests and ignite a Tunisian-type of
4. RAŚL CASTRO
After 52 years under the rule of the Castro brothers, Cubans are stirring.
On Aug. 23, a group of four women took to the steps of the capitol building
tml?KEYWORDS=Ladies+in+White+in+Cuba> in Havana chanting "freedom." The
Castro security goons pounced, raining rocks and using iron bars on the
unarmed ladies. The crowd that had gathered booed, hissed, and insulted the
Things were already getting hot for Raśl prior to the Arab Spring. Cuba's
socialist economy has been in the doldrums. On Sept. 13, 2010,
<http://www.economist.com/node/17463421> Cuba announced it would lay off "at
least" half a million state workers over the next six months and
simultaneously allow more jobs to be created in the private sector as the
socialist economy struggled to get back on its feet. The plan was part of a
te-enterprise-jobs?_s=PM:WORLD> pledge to shed some one million state jobs,
a full fifth of the official workforce. It increasingly looks like Raśl's
plan is akin to Mikhail Gorbachev's "perestroika" -- sans "glasnost."
"Our state cannot and should not continue maintaining companies, productive
entities and services with inflated payrolls and losses that damage our
economy and result counterproductive, create bad habits and distort workers'
conduct," the CTC, Cuba's official labor union,
announced. The Castro regime, which has for decades relied on its relatively
generous welfare state to retain autocratic rule, will now have to rely
entirely on state repression. It's a very fragile arrangement.
5. PAUL BIYA
After 28 years in office, Paul Biya still hasn't had his fill. So he'll run
again for the presidency in November. But the closer the country gets to the
polls, the more public frustration grows. Biya came to power in the
oil-producing nation in 1982. But economic mismanagement and rampant
corruption have kept the people in abject poverty.
Activists planned to start an Egypt-like uprising on Feb. 23. Itchy
Cameroonian authorities were immediately placed on high alert. Riot police
and paramilitary gendarmes were deployed in all major cities; the
communication minister, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, warned that the organizers of
the protests wanted "to destroy this nation."
<http://www.afrol.com/articles/37416> The protesters did not materialize in
the numbers they had hoped for, but they made the point that there is a
vital opposition movement in Cameroon.
After Biya changed the constitution back in 2008 to enable another run for
the presidency, riots broke out across the country, killing scores. Unrest
could still easily erupt again if Biya "wins" the election over the more
than 51 candidates running against him -- which he is likely to. The
rubber-stamp parliament passed a bill in March 2010 giving the government
oversight of poll preparations, supplanting the previous independent
electoral body. Could a more responsible Swiss banking system help tame the
dictator? It froze the bank accounts of Ben Ali and Mubarak. Now Biya may be
pondering where to hide his estimated
e=0,23> $200 million in loot.
6. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo
In an ironic (and depressing) turn of events, this ruthless dictator, who
has been in power for 31 years, has just become the chairman of the
airman-of-african-union/> African Union (AU). After the Ivory Coast's
disputed elections, he visited the Ivory Coast to preach "dialogue,"
"democracy," and "peaceful resolution" of the conflict between
then-President Laurent Gbagbo and challenger Alassane Ouattara.
But, alas, his own people won't hear the sermons, as Obiang controls the
media in Equatorial Guinea. He controls pretty much everything else as well.
In the November 2009 presidential election, Obiang "won"
> 95 percent of the vote. Placido Mico Abogo, the main opposition leader,
rial-guinea> claimed that government agents voted in place of the public and
that some polling stations closed early. Foreign election observers were not
allowed in the country.
Equatorial Guinea's vast earnings from oil and gas should give its
population of 700,000 people a theoretical income of $37,000 a year each.
But most of them
of-Obiangs-AU-Nomination-114976514.html> live in poverty after 15 years of
plentiful oil production. There are no overt signs of dissent yet. But one
thing is clear: The status quo is too unstable to hold.
Under increasing pressure to reform, Obiang is holding a constitutional
referendum in December to reduce the presidential term from seven to five
years -- a meaningless exercise. But one more year under Obiang's 32-year
dictatorship is one too many, much less five. He is also widely suspected to
be grooming his son
Teodorin as a successor. Meanwhile, emboldened by Obiang's rhetoric -- as
chairman of the AU -- to promote democracy elsewhere in Africa, the
opposition parties are demanding the release of all political prisoners
before the referendum and the right to hold peaceful demonstrations.
Can the coconuts hang on? Stay tuned.
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