Somalia:Venal TFIs leaders should not be allowed to privatize Somalia,s
sovereignty
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11/01/2012 By Mr. Mohamud M Ulus
Mareeg.com After seven years, the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs)
that formed the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia (TFG) have
irreversibly morphed into the property of three venal leaders used by
foreign powers, particularly Ethiopia. Today, TFI leaders speak and act only
for compliance with foreign power dictates and for their personal political
interests. In Q & A session moderated by Universal TV in collaboration with
the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD),[1][1] President Sheikh Sharif
tried to justify this contemptible situation and stated that the United
Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) did not consult with TFG on the
Roadmap and did not give time to review the list of participants of the
conference. Yet, he said, "he had no choice but to go with the flow, so he
would not be blamed as peace spoiler" and candidate for removal from office.
That self preservation and pecuniary consideration is why TFIs leaders are
sycophant defenders and spokesmen of foreign powers contrary to the ethos of
political leaders of sovereign country. All these have made the TFIs as
private Institutions with no accountability to the people of Somalia. Venal
TFI's leaders shouldn't be allowed to privatize Somalia's sovereignty.
Before the publicly opposed Roadmap and the Garowe Document labeled "Garowe
Principles
<
http://unpos.unmissions.org/Portals/UNPOS/Repository%20UNPOS/111224%20Commu
nique%20of%20Garowe%20Consultative%20Constitutional%20Conf.pdf> " have
formalized the official transformation of TFIs into privately owned
Institutions, there were series of political events which led to the present
reality. The key events for the personalization of political power in
Somalia are the Aden Declaration between President Abdullahi Yusuf and
Speaker Sharif Hassan, the Baidoa Agreements between President Abdullahi
Yusuf and his Prime Ministers- Prof Ali Mohamed Ghedi and Col. Nur Hassan
Hussein a.k.a. Nur Adde, the Addis Ababa Agreement between TFG and Ahlu
Sunna Wal Jama, the ignoble 2008 Djibouti Agreement between TFG and Alliance
for Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), which unconstitutionally extended TFG
term, inflated the Somali parliament from 275 to 550 MPs and ushered in
President Sheikh Sharif, the Galkaio and Nairobi Agreements between TFG and
Puntland, the Kampala Accord between President Sheikh Sharif and Speaker
Sharif Hassan. All those agreements were contrary to the spirit and letter
of the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) and detrimental to the unity and
harmony of the Somali society. Now the reform of parliament from 550 to 225
MPs is seen as major achievement while the layoff of 325 MPs without proper
deliberation would be a real nightmare for the internal politics of Somalia.
It is travesty to entrust with the failed leaders the responsibility of both
ending the TFG transition period and starting a new one.
Ethiopia was the architect and key player of all those events. The 2002-2004
Somalia's peace process in Kenya was its groundwork to thwart any effort of
rebuilding a sovereign State in Somalia. In that process, Ethiopia
appropriated the approval power of Somali political leadership. It became
the sole interpreter and arbitrator of any dispute within the TFIs. Contrary
to the public statements, diplomatic, military and intelligent officers of
Ethiopia assigned to keep in line TFIs leaders whisper and divulge among
Somalis fabricated messages of misdirection, intimidation, promises, and
confusion for chaos, mistrust and control. Hence, it is foolish to believe
that Ethiopia, a country governed with tyrannical violence, would help
Somalia to enjoy reconciliation, freedom, justices, and democratic values.
Former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in 1991,
Ambassador Herman Cohen, who facilitated the victory of Tigrayan People's
Liberation Front (TPLF) led by PM Meles Zenawi over the Derg Regime of Col
Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991, said days ago that present regime of Meles is
no different from the Derg military of Mengistu. This is an indicting
judgment against PM Meles leadership.[2][2]
The regime of PM Meles Zenawi firmly operates on the belief that Somalis
lack sense of nationalistic culture and their politics is solely and
exclusively based on clan logic.[3][3] Based on this settled view, the
regime suggests that it is enough to ask the clan affiliation of any Somali
to understand his or her political interests and preferences. To proof that
point, Ethiopia pushes the imposition of federal or confederate system of
governance based on clans (building blocks) on Somalia. It also instigates
the creation of clan states, groups and conferences like the Taleh
(Dhulbahante) Conference. For malicious purpose, it argues in the
international diplomatic circles that since Sheikh Hassan opposes Sheikh
Sharif, the Ayr/Habar Gedir sub clan opposes Abgal/Mudullod purely on clan
allegiance to Sheikh Hassan and by extension Ayr/Habar Gedir is guilt by
association with Al Shabab. On the other hand, It has shortchanged
politically and militarily the Ayr/Habar Gedir forces fighting against Al
Shabab in Galgudud and other places for its ulterior political motives. The
vehement creation of scary boogeyman called Ayr/Habar Gedir sub clan for
cover up of Ethiopia's hegemonic interests in Somalia started with the
Djibouti peace process and the election of President Abdulqasim Hassan.
Ethiopian Ambassador to UK, Berhanu Kebede made that strategy public in his
letter to Guardian on May 2, 2007.[4][4] Therefore, the clan exploitation
by Ethiopia for hegemonic goal is part of Somalia conflict drivers.
Former Somaliland Ambassador to Ethiopia, Mohamed Sheikh Hassan[5][5] has
revealed that Ethiopia's single interest in Somaliland was centered on the
capturing or "kidnapping" of dissident elements for security claims. That
kind of relationship exists between Puntland and Ethiopia. TFG and other
Somali entities are all satellites of Ethiopia. It is reasonable to assume
that the International Community's decision to support financially and
diplomatically Ethiopia's strategy towards Somalia and the overriding
consideration of the persecution of war on terror over Somalia's political
necessity would prolong Somalia's instability, depopulation and social
poverty.
To maintain Ethiopia's exclusive control over Somalia, on December 23, 2011,
PM Meles met with a joint US delegation from State and Defense Departments
led by Mr. Karl Wycoff, deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs and
requested support on the following positions: (1) That IGAD and AU are the
foundation for Somalia; (2) That "proliferation of international initiatives
or ad hoc efforts" must be avoided. Every initiative must first be cleared
with IGAD for endorsement. (3) That Eritrea should be isolated and punished
for its destabilization of Somalia; (4) That Somali people and TFG are
required to focus on the implementation of the 'rejected' roadmap because it
is the only viable solution; (5) That Humanitarian and logistical Assistance
for the people of Somalia and for the TFG must be harmonized with the
regional packages and international procedures. According to Ethiopia, the
delegation expressed the readiness of US Administration to work closely with
IGAD on the abovementioned positions. This US commitment conceded for its
role of strategic partner in the region would embolden the Ethiopian
interferences in Somalia and the bullying against Eritrea.
Any attempt to reform or extend the life of TFG under the current political
arrangement, controlled by Ethiopia in the name of IGAD is doomed to fail
because it is based on the false political premise of promoting sycophant
Somali leaders so Somalia can be managed directly from Addis Ababa and from
donor offices either in Somalia or in Kenya with the complicity of UN
Security Council. The dishonestly propagated assertion that Somalis can't
agree on anything positive is an exaggeration and should not be taken as an
excuse for the imposition of externally driven solution. True, the Somalis'
Achilles' heel is clan mistrust and misuse but at the same time, majority of
Somalis deeply harbor Somali national pride and strongly feel the ability
and possibility to regain their sovereignty and national dignity with
honest, positive and benevolent or at least neutral external influence.
With the persistence of the current false political premise of clan
exploitation and contradictory foreign objectives, the Somali crisis could
continue to metastasize and adversely affect the international and regional
peace and security. Concerted and coordinated efforts at international
level as well as at national and local levels of Somalia are paramount for
beginning to address the Somali crisis and avoiding further continuation of
the present human catastrophe.
Mr. Mohamud M Uluso
mohamuduluso_at_gmail.com
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Received on Wed Jan 11 2012 - 16:12:40 EST
