From: Berhane Habtemariam (Berhane.Habtemariam@gmx.de)
Date: Tue Jun 02 2009 - 04:40:56 EDT
The Total Domination of the Ethiopian Army by Ethnic Tigrean Officers
<http://www.ginbot7.com/Ginbot_7_Report_30_May_2009.htm> Ginbot7
Jun 2nd, 2009 . <http://www.EastAFRO.com/Post/category/news> News
http://www.ginbot7.com/Ginbot_7_Report_30_May_2009.htm
Since day one of its active political life, Ginbot 7 has repeatedly informed
the international community that the ethnocentric political and economic
policies of the TPLF regime are the primary sources of violence and
instability in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa at large Despite the
different masks that this crafty regime wears to dupe donor nations and
other stakeholders, Ginbot 7 has delved deep into the inner workings of the
TPLF regime and exposed the toxic ethnic policies that consumed the life of
many Ethiopians, and forced many others to seek refuge in neighboring
countries.
Unlike any other time in the nation's history, a minority ethnic group that
comprises no more than 6% of the total population (80 Million) controls the
political, economic, and social life of 94% of the Ethiopian people. In the
last month, the military intelligence wing of Ginbot 7 has uncovered vital
information that substantiates its past claims that all high level military
positions in the Ethiopian army are asymmetrically dominated by a minority
ethnic group lead by the TPLF elite.)
Article 88, Sub Article 2 of the Ethiopian constitution states: "The State
shall have the duty to respect the identity of the nations, nationalities
and peoples and on the basis of this promote equality, unity and fraternity
among them". However, despite what the Constitution says, in the last 18
years, the political, social, and economic affairs of Ethiopia has been
disproportionately controlled by a handful of Tigrean elites. For example,
93.5% of all key military positions in the Ethiopian National Defense Forces
are occupied by ethnic Tigreans, far in excess of their 6% representation
among the Ethiopian population.
Historically, the ethnic composition of the Ethiopian army was evenly
distributed between the different ethnic groups. Besides, a military
tradition of the Ethiopian Armed Forces which spans back through the
nation's long history was the ultimate example of a system based on
meritocracy. However, under the TPLF regime, since the Ethiopian army is
organized to defend the ruling party from the people, incompetent officers
who are loyal and ethnically related to the ruling party elites occupy
almost all key positions in the army.
In 1991, when the TPLF regime controlled Addis Ababa, economic development,
political inclusion, and ethnic equality were its three very important
promises that convinced the Ethiopian people to change their heart and give
the incoming new regime the benefit of the doubt, despite all signs that
TPLF was a party of one ethnic group. In fact, it wasn't just the Ethiopian
people that temporarily trusted the TPLF party; the entire free world that
stood with the Ethiopian people during the dark days of communism trusted
the minority TPLF regime as a vector of peace, equality, and democracy in
Ethiopia.
Today, after 18 long years, the Ethiopian people and many in the free world
realize that the guerrilla movement that took power preaching liberal
democracy and free market economy is neither democratic nor capitalist.
In the past three weeks, Ginbot 7 has issued a plethora of press releases
and public statements exposing the entrenched corruption of the TPLF regime,
which includes political exclusiveness, nepotism, and absolute control of
power. As it was clearly indicated in many of the public statements, ethnic
favoritism and nepotism are rampant in every aspect of public life in
Ethiopia, leading to deep disaffection and ethnic polarization in a nation
packed with a large number of ethnic groups.
Ginbot 7 fully understands that when channeling multi million dollar aid
packages to Ethiopia, the intention of donor nations is to finance economic
development in Ethiopia and to feed its growing population. However, a good
deal of the aid package is used by the regime for political purposes that
neither benefits the poor nor stimulates economic development. The grave
concern of Ginbot 7 and other Ethiopian progressive forces is not that the
world is helping Ethiopia, but that these donor nations and international
organizations do not hold the secretive TPLF regime accountable for the
amount of aid it receives every year.
For the most part, donor nations do not have proper monitoring mechanisms
that assess how aid funds are spent and who benefits from the expenditure.
Obviously, donor nations and tax payers in donor countries do not want to
see their funds used by dictators who deny freedom and justice to the very
people to whom the aid is intended. Likewise, no democratic citizen of the
world wants its hard earned money to go to a Third World country and be used
to prop up a dictatorial regime that muffles free press and kills democratic
movements. The message of Ginbot 7 to donor nations has always been to hold
the TPLF regime accountable for its political and economic actions, and
judge this authoritarian regime by applying the same moral standard used in
the Ukraine, the former Yugoslavia, Kenya, and Zimbabwe.
The TPLF regime and its puppets have used the state propaganda machines
internally and state funded news outlets internationally, to refute the
human rights reports of well respected international organizations such as
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the International Association of
Journalists (IAJ) as well as the U.S. State Department.
The table below shows that the TPLF regime has a virtual monopoly over
political power; and this monopoly is established among other things through
the introduction of ethnic politics into the political process. In Ethiopia,
ethnic politics is at the helm of the military and other civic
organizations, which naturally are supposed to be politically neutral
institutions. Ginbot 7 urges donor nations and other international aid
agencies to pay particular attention to this overwhelming evidence and
reconsider their policies towards a regime that benefits the few.
High Ranking Military Officials
Principal Defense Departments
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Armed Forces Chief-of-Staff
General Smora Yenus
Tigre
2
Armed Forces Head of Training
Lt.General Tadesse Worde
Tigre
3
Head of Logistics
Lt.General Gezae Abera
Tigre
4
Head of Intelligence
Br. General Gebre Dela
Tigre
5
Armed Forces Head of Campaign
Major General Gebreegzher
Tigre
6
Armed Forces Head of Engineering
Lt.General Berhane Negash
Tigre
7
Chief of the Air Force
Chief of the Air Force
Tigre
Heads of the Nation's four Military Commands
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Central Command
General Abebaw Tadesse
Agew
2
Northern Command
Lt.General Saere Mekonene
Tigre
3
South Eastern Command
Lt.General Abraha Wolde
Tigre
4
Western Command
Br. General Seyoum Hagos
Tigre
Army Divisional Commanders
Central Command
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
31st Army Division
Colonel Tsegaye Marx
Tigre
2
33rd Army Division
Colonel Kidane
Tigre
3
35th Army Division
Colonel Misganaw Alemu
Tigre
4
24th Army Division
Colonel Work Aynu
Tigre
5
22nd Army Division
Colonel Dikul
Tigre
6
8th Mechanized Division
Colonel Jamal Mohammed
Tigre
Northern Command
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
14st Army Division
Colonel Wodi Antiru
Tigre
2
21st Army Division
Colonel Gueshi Gebre
Tigre
3
11th Army Division
Colonel Workidu
Tigre
4
25th Army Division
Colonel Tesfay Sahiel
Tigre
5
22nd Army Division
Colonel Teklay Klashin
Tigre
6
4th Mechanized Division
Colonel Hinsaw Giorgis
Tigre
South Eastern Command
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
19st Army Division
Colonel Wodi Guaae
Tigre
2
44st Army Division
Colonel Zewdu Tefera
Tigre
3
13th Army Division
Colonel Sherifo
Tigre
4
12th Army Division
Colonel Mulugeta Berhe
Tigre
5
32nd Army Division
Colonel Abraha Tselim
Tigre
6
6th Mechanized Division
Colonel G/Medhin Fekede
Tigre
Western Command
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
23rd Army Division
Colonel Wolde Belalom
Tigre
2
43rd Army Division
Colonel Wodi Abate
Tigre
3
26th Army Division
Colonel Mebrahtu
Tigre
4
7th Mechanized Division
Colonel Gebre Mariam
Tigre
Commanders in Different Defense Departments
No
Job Division
Name & Rank
Ethnic Group
1
Agazi Commando Division
B.General Mohammed Esha
Tigre
2
Addis Ababa & Surrounding Area Guard
Colonel Zenebe Amare
Tigre
3
Palace Guard
Colonel Gerensay
Tigre
4
Banking Guard
Colonel Hawaz Woldu
Tigre
5
Engineering College
Colonel Halefom Eggigu
Tigre
6
Military Health Science
B.General Tesfay Gidey
Tigre
7
Mulugeta Buli Technical College
Colonel Meleya Amare
Tigre
8
Resource Management College
Colonel Letay
Tigre
9
Siftana Command College
B.General Moges Haile
Tigre
10
Blaten Military Training Center
Colonel Salih Berihu
Tigre
11
Wourso Military Training Center
Colonel Negash Heluf
Tigre
12
Awash Arba Military Training Center
Colonel Muze
Tigre
13
Birr Valley Military Training Center
Colonel Negassie Shikortet
Tigre
14
Defense Administration Department
B.General Mehari Zewde
Tigre
15
Defense Aviation
B.General Kinfe Dagnew
Tigre
16
Defense Research and Study
B.General Halefom Chento
Tigre
17
Defense Justice Department
Colonel Askale
Tigre
18
Secretary of the Chief-of-Staff
Colonel Tsehaye Manjus
Tigre
19
Indoctrination Center
B.General Akale Asaye
Amhara
20
Communications Department
Colonel Sebbhat
Tigre
21
Foreign Relations Department
Colonel Hassene
Tigre
22
Special Forces Coordination Department
B.General Fisseha Manjus
Tigre
23
Operations Department
Colonel Wodi Tewk
Tigre
24
Planning, Readiness and Programming Department
Colonel Teklay Ashebir
Tigre
25
Defense Industries Coordination Department
Colonel Wodi Negash
Tigre
26
Defense Finance Department
Colonel Zewdu
Tigre
27
Defense Purchasing Department
Colonel Gedey
Tigre
28
Defense Budget Department
Ato/Mr. Berhane
Tigre
One of the most common and great truths of our time is that freedom requires
international vigilance. The free people of the world cannot enjoy the full
benefit of being free when the freedom of 80 million Ethiopians is
egregiously violated by a regime that enjoys the full support of the free
world. In Ethiopia, the TPLF regime has tossed out freedom and democracy at
the crossroads. The problem in Ethiopia is not just the absence of
democracy. The Ethiopian people suffer from persistent, systematic, and
widespread human right violation. The TPLF regime continues to suppress
dissenting opinions and maintains political control over the legal system.
Arbitrary detentions, torture, ill-treatment of prisoners, and severe
restrictions on freedom of expression are the most common types of abuses
that the Ethiopian people face daily.
It is a sign of immense problem when a tiny minority of the population
monopolizes power in a country of 80 million people. It is in deed, a clear
indication of national crisis when a minority ethnic group that accounts for
only 6% of the population occupies 100% of the top military posts in the
Army and the Air Force. Ginbot 7 takes this opportunity to remind the world
that the major explanation of ethnic manipulation of politics in Ethiopia is
to be sought not in the character of the Ethiopian public that is the
subject of manipulation, but in the character of those [TPLF] who seek to
dominate the public through such manipulation, and the structures of
domination they have devised.
Ginbot 7 strongly believes that political instability in the Horn of Africa
is a threat to world peace, and the Horn of Africa will never be stable as
long as the largest country in the region [Ethiopia] is ruled by a ruthless
dictator whose political and economic policies alienate 94% of the
population from the national decision making process. The TPLF regime has
pushed the Ethiopian people far over the limit and has left them with only
one option; and that option is the devil's alternative. Ginbot 7 believes
that putting hope in the heart of the Ethiopian people and helping them
defeat the enemies of democracy is a very important step that takes the
world one step closer to peace, and most importantly, it is one big step in
the process of building the largest democracy in Africa.