Date: Fri, 18 Apr 2014 00:03:06 +0200
Religious Polarization in Middle Eastern Politics
International media coverage of the Middle East continues to underplay two
worrying trends, writes Patrick Balbierz. Muslims have become deeply
polarized and rifts between religious and secular political parties are
threatening the region at a crucial point in its transformation.
By Patrick Balbierz for World Policy Institute
17 April 2014
The battles in Cairo's Tahrir Square highlighted a populist call for
democracy and an end to authoritarian rule - an underlying motive of the
broader Arab Spring. While the political transition was broadcasted widely
across the globe, international media failed to highlight the growing trend
within the Middle East -- increasing polarization within the Muslim
community. Growing religious rifts between secular and conservative parties
threaten the political future of a region at a critical point of transition.
Many are familiar with the Sunni and Shi'ite sects of Islam, but beyond this
separation is a rapidly growing divide between moderate Muslims and radical
jihadists. Conservative parties are once again calling for an Islamic state
and the restoration of a once expansive Caliphate. At the same time, secular
sentiments have been rising, with some liberals in the Middle East calling
for religion-free government. Examples of this polarization are evident in
<http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/04/egypt-secularism-proteste
rs-identity-cards.html> Egypt,
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/02/04/syria_s_secular_revolution
_lives_on> Syria, and
<http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/09/iraq-secular-absent-prote
sts.html> Iraq among other Middle Eastern nations. This developing battle in
wake of the Arab spring is pitting fundamental Islamists against their
moderate counterparts who, along with secularists, are pushing for a
democratic government without Sharia.
Islamic fundamentalism has recently come to the forefront with power vacuums
following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, Hosni Mubarak, and the on-going
attempt to oust Bashar al-Assad. These dictators established secular
<http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital-Library/Articles/Detail/?lng=en&id=178669>
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governments, but often utilized oppressing religious movements to maintain a
stronghold over their population. The Arab Spring provided an opportunity
for secular and Muslims citizens alike who had been pushed down,
radicalized, and abused.
The Muslim Brotherhood attempted to institute an Islamic state in Egypt
after Mubarak, but was met with a
<http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/04/egypt-secularism-proteste
rs-identity-cards.html> fervent opposition that demanded freedom of religion
and a rejected authoritarian government like they had just overthrown.
Within a year, the Muslim Brotherhood was overthrown and deemed a terrorist
organization. In recent weeks, the interim government
<http://edition.cnn.com/2014/03/25/world/africa/egypt-muslim-brotherhood-tri
al/> tried hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood supports in what many call rigged
hearing, condemning many to death for treason. Parties like the Wafd and the
Egyptian Social Democrats are rallying behind secular, liberal minded
political parties to combat the remaining threats from radicalized Islamic
opponents.
Syria's ongoing struggle continues to be a mixture of political opposition,
religious conflict, and total breakdown of law. Assad's secular government,
comprised of Alawite minorities, battle the Sunni majority which contains
both liberal Muslim groups and al-Qaeda sponsored organizations. The
opposition groups have failed to unite on a common ground, as groups like
the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) are championing the
religious doctrine of Islam and the glory of jihad. They have been cited
using brutal tactics including beheading soldiers, Christians, and innocent
civilians. There has been strong opposition to such gruesome tactics in
Syria and in the wider global community. A strong force fighting for freedom
of religion and oppression against al-Assad and al-Qaeda is the Free Syrian
Army, but their numbers are
<http://www.foxnews.com/world/2014/01/17/dont-have-long-say-syrian-rebels-lo
cked-in-battle-with-al-qaeda-assad/> small and fragmented. As the country's
civil war rages on, demands for religious and political freedom are muted.
In Iraq, which will host elections in April, new challengers have arisen in
face of religiously grounded candidates. Fadel al-Dabbas, chairman of Dabbas
International group, who made his fame in banking and
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investmenthttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png, is
running on a secular, non-religious platform. Though one of many candidates,
Fadel offers hope for the secular groups in Iraq fighting for change. At the
same time, religious factions in the country recently moved to create a
<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/03/14/iraq-child-marriage-bill_n_4962247
.html> bill lowering the legal marriage age for women to nine. They bill's
sponsors cited old religious teachings as justification, and moved ahead
with the legislation despite protests across the country. This violation of
women's and children's rights begs the question, how can this occur in
today's world?
Faisal al-Mutar, an Iraqi refugee and founder of
<http://globalsecular.org/> Global Secular Organizing and Strategy, argues
the pervasiness of literal interpretations of Islamic religious
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texthttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png is due to
the lack of a secular enlightenment. He says the issue "is concerning
because modern technology allows religious literalists and fundamentalist to
cause more damage on the planet." Faisal highlights a concern held by many
in the Middle East; the jihad movement isn't only damaging Western
interests, but also the livelihood of Middle East citizens.
The Saudi Arabian government recently issued a
<http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/saudi-arabia-declares-a
ll-atheists-are-terrorists-in-new-law-to-crack-down-on-political-dissidents-
9228389.html> declaration outlawing the "calling for atheist thought in any
form." This edict was issued together with decrees outlawing numerous
radical fundamentalist groups who are recruiting Saudis to fight in the
Syrian war and overthrow governments. The response by the house of Saud
seems to be as follows - address both the religiously radicalized and
progressive secularists who challenge authority. The threat of challenging
the government is twofold. The secular front calls for greater equality and
democracy, while the radical Islamic counterpart calls for an even more
conservative state.
There are outside of the region working to challenge the jihadist ideology.
Hannah Stuart and Rashad Ali from <http://henryjacksonsociety.org/> The
Henry Jackson Society, a London-based think-tank, compiled "
<http://henryjacksonsociety.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Refuting-Jihadism
-Executive-Summary.pdf> A Guide to Refuting Jihadism: Critiquing Radical
Islamist Claims to Theological Authenticity" which aims to discredit the
historical basis of violent and oppressive Islamic ideology. They represent
a growing movement by liberal Muslims to prevent the jihadi movement from
spreading. Education remains a driving force in the critique of such a
violent and aggressive ideology.
<http://www.jihadwatch.org/category/muslims-against-terror> Jihad Watch,
founded by director Robert Spencer, also attempts to curtail the influence
of jihad by addressing it academically.
<http://www.jihadwatch.org/about-robert> Spencer notes the threat of jihad
is real, even outside the Middle East, "The global jihad against the West
today also helps Islam gather converts in the West from among groups that
feel themselves to be oppressed of marginalized." The debate between Middle
East citizens extends globally, bringing in concerns and ideas from both
inside and out the region.
Syrians, Iraqis, Egyptians, and others are voicing their demands for
representative government. Years of oppression have created a generation
begging for opportunity. Shifting dynamics among the youth in the Middle
Easts are questioning both religious institutionalism and authoritarian
leadership. The fight for political transformation will be closely tied to
conflicts among different religious groups.
While secularists call for greater democratic reform, oppressed conservative
Islamists are calling for greater input in how they are governed. While
their oppression and lack of voice mirrors secularist experiences, their
goals oppose on another. The great threat to stability in the Middle East
seems to come from among differences between the citizens themselves. The
question remains, how will religion fit into a new Arab generation's idea of
governance?
Patrick Balbierz is an editorial assistant at World Policy Journal and a
graduate student at Seton Hall University.
Pro-Morsi Protesters and Muslim Brotherhood Militias, courtesy of Moud
Barthez /flickr
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