Date: Fri, 24 Oct 2014 20:11:04 +0200
war without end: 12 years of US drone strikes in Yemen
The "Yemen model" is one of perpetual violence. The limits of what can be
done in the name of "counterterrorist" action often appear boundless.
by <http://www.newstatesman.com/writers/200131> Iona Craig
24 October, 2014 - 10:00
Salem al-Taysi's big brown eyes stared straight through me. I was trying to
ask him about his father, who had been killed six days earlier in a US drone
strike that had rocked this barren hillside in remote central Yemen. But
Salem did not say a word. The boy, who appeared to be about ten years old,
just gazed intently into the middle distance as his younger siblings huddled
around him.
It is hard to forget Salem's eyes. Every time the White House claimed that
the 12 civilians, including his father, who were killed in a wedding
procession on 12 December were al-Qaeda militants, I thought of him. I
remember his brothers and sisters and the 17 other children I met that day
who had lost their fathers. I think of the scores of people in the village,
living without any support from the government, without electricity or
running water, who had lost their main breadwinner.
This is the grim reality of the "Yemen model" touted again last month by the
US president, Barack Obama, as he outlined his strategy for tackling the
threat of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.
It is 12 years since the first US missile strikes hit Yemen. The "Yemen
model" is one of perpetual violence, war without end. It is an opaque
conflict in which no one knows what qualifies an individual to become a
target for US drones, for Yemeni, Saudi or US fighter jets, or for
US-trained Yemeni counterterrorism groups. The limits of what can be done in
the name of "counterterrorist" action often appear boundless.
Without American boots on the ground, Washington can maintain this
never-ending war while facing few questions from the public at home. A
YouGov survey on 4 September showed that only 16 per cent of Americans were
aware that their government had carried out bomb attacks on Yemen in the
previous six months. Washington never claims responsibility for its air or
naval strikes. Under the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemeni
politicians even lied to their parliament on behalf of Washington and
claimed responsibility for US bombings.
In two years' time, the problem of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (Aqap)
will pass on to another US president. Obama has managed to stave off an
attack by Aqap on the US, though he came close to failure in 2009 when Umar
Farouk Abdulmutallab attempted to blow up a passenger jet. Had the
explosives planted in his underwear detonated as planned, the Yemen model as
we now know it might have looked very different, though undoubtedly the US
focus would still be purely military.
Preoccupied by missile strikes and the training of counterterrorism troops,
Washington has failed to tackle the underlying causes of al-Qaeda's rise in
Yemen. In the past five years, the number of al-Qaeda and Ansar al-Sharia
supporters and militants has grown.
It is no coincidence that al-Qaeda was able to garner support from local
people when it took control of towns in the southern province of Abyan in
2011. In a secessionist area, already hostile towards a northern government
perceived as oppressive, residents of the town of Ja'ar (militants renamed
it the Islamic Emirate of Waqar) welcomed the insurgents' ability to
maintain the electricity supply and provide security and a justice system
where the state had failed.
As Samir al-Mushari, a farmer who was severely burned in an apparent US
drone strike on the town, told me in May 2012: "Ansar al-Sharia solved many
problems for us that the government hadn't managed to do for 20 years." Life
was better for many under al-Qaeda until the US-backed campaign to remove
the Islamists began in 2012.
Almost three years after the de facto ousting of President Saleh, the
transitional government's limited credibility has been eroded by the
worsening humanitarian situation and the lack of security or law and order.
A UN-backed political transition process, formulated in 2011, has flagged.
The last parliamentary elections were held in 2003 and the social contract
has expired. On 21 September, Houthi fighters (the Houthis are a Shia clan)
took control of the capital, Sana'a, forcing an agreement that included the
dissolution of the government.
Anti-US sentiment has soared in the four years since I first arrived in
Yemen. The numbers of Qaeda and Ansar al-Sharia fighters have grown. They
are spreading across the country and the volume and scope of their attacks
have increased. There is still no visible end for the "Yemen model". For
Obama, the endgame will come when he leaves office in 2017. But when will it
end for Yemen?
Yemeni supporters of the Shia Huthi movement carry the coffins of comrades
who died during recent fighting, Sanaa, 26 September. PHOTO: GETTY
Yemeni supporters of the Shia Huthi movement carry the coffins of comrades
who died during recent fighting, Sanaa, 26 September. PHOTO: GETTY
(image/jpeg attachment: image002.jpg)