Date: Wed, 16 Jul 2014 23:11:53 +0200
Q&A: Yemen's human rights minister
Hooria Mashhour told Al Jazeera that there is 'public consensus' in Yemen to
end US drone strikes in the country.
<http://www.aljazeera.com/profile/saeed-al-batati.html> Saeed Al Batati
Last updated: 16 Jul 2014 09:46
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Sanaa, Yemen - When protests erupted against Yemen's longtime president Ali
Abdullah Saleh, in early 2011, Hooria Mashhour was among many prominent
figures who called on Saleh to step down and face prosecution for allegedly
killing protesters.
Now acting as Yemen's human rights minister, Mashhour has continued to speak
out against contested subjects, including the United States' use of drone
strikes in Yemen and child marriage.
Al Jazeera spoke with Mashhour about her work, and the challenges facing
Yemen.
Al Jazeera English: How should your government handle the presence of
al-Qaeda-linked fighters in Yemen?
Hooria Mashhour: Al-Qaeda's file is complicated and controversial. When
al-Qaeda controlled some areas in the south in 2011, many questions were
raised about the parties that aided them with weapons and facilitated their
control.
A year ago, the Yemeni government approved the National Strategy for
Combating Terrorism [NSCT]. The military and intelligence solutions are part
of the strategy. The NSCT is based on removing extremism and radicalism from
schools' curricula and disseminating the message of respecting others and
human rights.
Also, [the NSCT includes] media and making mosques' sermons more
peace-encouraging. Mosques' messages are strong and effective as we have
more mosques than schools. Many people try to link terrorism with Islam,
which is not true. Islam's message is moderate and peace-loving. The NSCT is
also based on equipping people with skills that enable them to engage in the
society and find jobs. Fighting poverty in Yemen is another principle of the
strategy. Some poor young men agree to join al-Qaeda when they are given an
amount of money.
However, the NSCT has not been put into practice as it requires a lot of
money to implement. There is no special terrorism law in Yemen and suspected
people are suspended and tried based on the Penal Code. A special terrorism
law was presented to the parliament in 2008 ... this law has not been
passed.
AJ: Let's talk about another hot button issue in Yemen - the US drone
programme. Why do you publicly criticise it?
Mashhour: The current government inherited the programme from the previous
one. This weak government was in need of any kind of help that would excise
al-Qaeda. I am against drone strikes because they affect civilians. The
National Dialogue [transitional talks between Yemen's political and
apolitical groups to reach a road map for the country's future] and the
parliament called for the halting of drone strikes, so there is public
consensus about the need for putting an end to drone missions.
I visited a victim of a drone strike in Rada'a district who lost his leg and
one of his eyes. The man is working as a shepherd. Since he did not receive
any reparations from the government, his poor family was forced to borrow
money to treat him.
AJ: What have you done to bring justice to Yemeni drone victims?
Mashhour: I said in my speech at the UN Human Rights Council that drone
victims must be compensated for damages like their peers in Afghanistan. For
example, this poor man who lost his leg would not be able to feed his wife
and five children.
There are many similar cases of people who lost their ability to work
because of drone strikes. All reports that we receive show that no one has
compensated the victims.
AJ: Have you brought up this issue in the cabinet?
Mashhour: This issue is not discussed in the cabinet. It has never been
transparent and is only being handled by a close circle of bodies, like the
presidency, the National Security agency, and other intelligence apparatus.
AJ: Why does your government
<http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/22/us-yemen-rights-drones-idUSBRE90L
0NK20130122> criticise Iran for allegedly meddling into Yemen's internal
affairs, while at the same time accepting the involvement of other countries
in Yemen, like the US, European Union and Gulf countries?
Mashhour: There is both positive and negative involvement in Yemen. First,
the United Nations is strongly involved in the situation in Yemen. There is
a peace initiative brokered by the GCC [Gulf Cooperation Council] countries
and backed by the UN that settled differences between Yemeni rivals. This
kind of intervention is welcomed by Yemenis when they . could not find
solutions to their problems. This intervention meets international
conventions and charters.
The other kind of involvement is by a certain country supporting an outlawed
group that acts like a state.
AJ: Are you referring to the Iranian support for
<http://blogs.aljazeera.com/blog/middle-east/rise-yemens-houthis> the Houthi
fighters?
Mashhour: President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and former Foreign Affairs
Minister [Abu Bakr Al Qirbi] have many times condemned the Iranian
government meddling into Yemen's affairs. They support a group [Houthis]
that took part in the National Dialogue Conference. People sympathised with
the Houthis when the state launched six wars against them.
But then they turned into an armed group that seeks to carve up part of the
country. The Houthis must hand over their weapons to the state and honour
the public consensus and the recommendations of the National Dialogue
Conference.
AJ: The federal system that will divide the country into six semi-autonomous
regions has been widely touted as a solution to Yemen's problems. How do you
see the future of the federal system in Yemen?
Mashhour: Despite being a complicated system, federalism has become a
necessity and was embraced by the people as it would make justice, equal
citizenship and development prevail. We will need a long time [to see the
result of this system] and we must be ready with funds and human resources.
We must train and hone young people's skills in executive management. The
new constitution will determine the relationship between the regions,
administratively and economically.
AJ: The southerners have long complained that they have been marginalised in
power and wealth by the northerners since 1994. What have you done to
assuage pro-succession sentiments in the south?
Mashhour: The southern cause has been strongly present since 2011. The
southerners are going through a restitution period. Half of the cabinet
members and the National Dialogue delegates are from the south; the
president and the prime minister are from the south, after being completely
marginalised and excluded in the past.
The federal system has met the demands of the southerners. The federal
system has divided the south into two regions, and that will give the
southerners a big margin of self-government. I think that these
[pro-succession] calls will fade away when there is economic recovery and
the existing problems are settled.
AJ: Lastly, the issue of child marriage in Yemen has made international
headlines, after stories surfaced about girls as young as 10 being wed. Have
you done anything to stop child marriage in Yemen?
Mashhour: We have worked for many years to fix a legal marriage age, but
were confronted by a handful of MPs and influential figures. Frankly, this
issue has a political dimension. The former president's party [the General
People's Congress], which has most of the seats in the parliament, has been
unenthusiastic to pass the law, in order to embarrass the opposition and try
to paint them as supporting child marriage.
We are now discussing in the cabinet another law called the Child Rights
Law, which includes . fixing a minimum age for marriage at 18.
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