Date: Wed, 12 Mar 2014 17:57:29 +0100
South Sudan Crisis: Garang's Ghost Or Greed For Power? - Analysis
The historical and local dynamics of the conflicts in South Sudan should be
properly considered. Peace talks should focus not just on political and
military issues, but the social, economic and emotional ones as well, and
women should play a full role.
By
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/>
Conradhttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png John
Masabo
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/> February 12, 2014
For those of us who desire peace, it was sad to hear Salva Kiir, the
President of the Republic of South Sudan, announcing news of a coup attempt.
Countries such as Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda experienced the same in the
early 1960s, but for South Sudan, divided along such clear ethnic grounds
and with 50 years of conflict behind it, it could be devastating. I have
<http://www.monitor.upeace.org/innerpg.cfm?id_article=956> recently argued
that liberal approaches to peace processes in Africa address only the
symptoms and not the root causes of conflict, and
<http://works.bepress.com/conrad_masabo/6/> we are seeing the same problems
in South Sudan.
The ongoing conflict is a manifestation of several aspects of the poor
implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), as well as
historical power and resource conflicts between the Dinka and Nuer ethnic
groups and the weakness of mechanistic approaches to peace.
What is missing?
It is unfortunate that in Kiir's Christmas message one of the most important
groups for any future peace talks, women, were not included.
South Sudan's peace has been so rationalised that the emotional and
affective part of it sometimes gets drowned in rational and idealistic
concepts, good only for the classroom and often inefficient in the field.
Warriors alone will not bring long-lasting peace to Sudan. Future peace
talks should consider the proper involvement of feminine approaches. It
should be understood that while most men come to the negotiating table
directly from the war room and battlefield, women usually arrive straight
from civil activism. It should also avoid the CPA framework, which failed to
realise the "New Sudan" vision of former Sudan People's Liberation Army
(SPLA) leader, and later Sudanese vice-president, John Garang. The secession
of the South has not solved peoples' grassroots problems, but it is working
only for those aspiring to political posts.
The coup or a struggle for power?
The attempted coup, which Kiir claims his former deputy vice President Riek
Machar was behind, is new in terms of South Sudan's post-secession history,
but historical in terms of SPLA/M power struggles between the two dominant
ethnic groups, the Dinka, including Kiir, and the Nuer, including Machar.
But what is common to all is the fact that, like the clashes in 1990, which
displaced thousands, and the fierce fighting in December 2013, the victims
are civilians, and do not benefit from the violence.
Traditionally, the clashes have been the results of the struggle for the
rights to water, fishing and grazing land; but conflict has recently shifted
towards attempting to seize, control and exercise state power. These are now
two flash points between the competing ethnic groups. Also the former and
the present clashes between Dinka and Neur, in which the two prognostics
belong, are rooted in the past. As if that were not enough the struggles for
power within SPLA/M between Machar and kiir also has a long history. It can
therefore be argued that the ongoing power struggle only became manifest
with the fading of the traditional perceived enemy: the north.
An earlier power struggle led to the split in 1991 of the SPLA/M into SPLA/M
mainstream, or the Torit Group, under John Garang, and the SPLA United, or
Nasir Group, under Riek Machar. Most non-Dinka ethnic groups have perceived
the Dinka as using their political strength to
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/>
dominatehttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png them.
As Branch and Mampilly (2005) say:
The conflict during the 1990s between the Dinka-dominated mainstream SPLA
and various Nuer-dominated SPLA factions produced more bloodshed, and many
more civilian deaths, than the battle against the Khartoum government. In
addition, many of those who belong to the smaller Equatorian ethnic groups -
the Bari, Zande, Acholi, Madi, Moru, Kuku, and others - view the SPLA as a
vehicle of Dinka domination and complain bitterly about their treatment at
the hands of the SPLA.. the SPLA was fighting in part to preserve a status
quo ante that many Equatorians did not want. From the beginning Equatorians
lacked a prominent role in the SPLA, especially
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/>
comparedhttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png to
their predominance in Anya Nya I. When the fighting spread to Equatoria in
the 1990s, many Equatorians fled to Uganda, Zaire, and Kenya. The SPLA did
little to build support from the Equatorian populations; in fact, they
treated Equatoria as occupied territory and moved large Dinka populations
into the region where they would have better access to relief aid and avoid
the worst fighting further north. Equatorians were subject to atrocities at
the hands of the SPLA.
It is true that the SPLA/M has been good at capitalising on political
manoeuvres, but this cannot be used as justification for a coup. This may be
why Garang's intention was not to secede from the North, but rather to adopt
what Nelson Mandela did in post-apartheid South Africa, and create a "New
Sudan". History demonstrates that even the idea of the vote of self
determination of the south was not originally the SPLA/M agenda, but
Khartoum government's carrot for SPLA/M defectors.
The demands of SSDF to SPLA/M are very similar to those by former cabinet
members like Machar. For example, they wanted full SSDF political
participation in the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and the Government of
National Unity (GNU), the changing of the SPLA/M name after South Sudanese
independence, the new SPLA to be non-partisan and under South Sudanese
civilian control, and all SSDF soldiers and officers to be allowed to join
the SPLA at the same ranks they held in SSDF. In respect to those demands,
one could hardly note any significant changes within the SPLA/M and thus,
when there are complaints over the Dinka domination in the government, SPLA
and SPLM is nothing but the sugar coating of the unfulfilled demands of
power sharing within the new republic.
Where next?
The power struggles within the SPLA/M since 1990, which also became one of
the bloodiest inter-ethnic fights of that time, have never been properly
addressed. What followed the SPLA/M split in 1991, and the demands made by
the coalition of the SPLA/M defectors under the SSDF, were poorly resolved,
and that is the cause of recent trouble. The historical and local dynamics
of the conflicts should be properly considered. Peace talks should focus not
just on political and military issues, but the social, economic and
emotional ones as well, and women should play a full role. We would do well
to remember that warriors alone will not create peace in Sudan.
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/>
Conradhttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png John
Masabo comes from Tanzania. He is a Tutorial Assistant at Dar es Salaam
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/28022014-south-sudan-crisis-garangs-ghost-gree
d-power-analysis/> University
Collegehttp://cdncache1-a.akamaihd.net/items/it/img/arrow-10x10.png
Education (DUCE): A Constituent College of the University of Dar es Salaam
in Tanzania.
Sudan's John Garang. Photo USAID
(image/png attachment: image002.png)
(image/jpeg attachment: image006.jpg)