Somalia: Re-Examining Somaliland's Relations With Neighboring States
BY MOHAMED ABDILAHI DUALE AND SAEED MOHAMED AHMED
31 MAY 2014
ANALYSIS
Somaliland has been a self-governing nation for 23 years, but lacks
international recognition as a state. Somaliland's neighbours should
recognise the nation to ensure security and stability in the region
For many years, the Horn of Africa has been characterized by wars, anarchy,
terrorism, piracy and instability. Amid the chaos and uncertainty in the
region, Somaliland managed to maintain cordial relations with its
neighbouring countries. Somaliland has always accomplished its affairs in
accordance with the interest of the region. Additionally, Somaliland has
carefully avoided any action or utterances that may negatively affect the
stability of the region as well as its relations with the countries in the
region. Yet, Somaliland's neighbouring states have dithered to grant
Somaliland it's well deserved recognition. Since Somaliland's immediate
neighbours are not willing to facilitate the long-awaited recognition of
Somaliland and are not expanding their diplomatic relationships with
Somaliland, they have made it easy for policymakers in the West to defer the
issue of recognition and maintain the status quo of the diplomatic
limbo-status of the country.
Notwithstanding these double standards of the regional states, this paper
argues that the current situation offers a window of opportunity to
re-assess Somaliland's diplomatic relations with these countries. This essay
seeks to identify the ways in whichSomaliland can improve its relations with
neighbouring states and also suggests that Somaliland needs to balance its
relationship with these states.
SOMALILAND'S RELATIONSHIP WITH ETHIOPIA
Ethiopia has the second largest population in Africa with around 90 million
citizens. The ninth largest country in the continent, covering over 1
million square kilometers, is the only state in the region without a
coastline and port. Ethiopia has maintained close relation with Somaliland
since its re-emergence in 1991. During the liberation struggle against the
Siyad Barre dictatorship, Ethiopia was the base of guerilla movement Somali
National Movement (SNM), from which the military campaign against the regime
was launched. In addition, Ethiopia was the principal haven to which
Somaliland's civilian refugees fled during the period 1988 - 1991. In 2000,
a Somaliland delegation led by the second president of the Republic Mohamed
Haji Ibrahim Egal visited Addis Ababa and signed agreements aimed at
enhancing trade and communications. Ethiopia was the first country that
established diplomatic relations with Somaliland's capital Hargeisa by
opening a consulate which issues visas to Somaliland passport holders, while
Somaliland also maintains a diplomatic office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. In
addition, Ethiopia Airlines flies to Somaliland several times per week.
Nevertheless, even though Ethiopia is considered as being directly
supportive of Somaliland's independence claims, there are no signs that
Ethiopia is ready to recognize Somaliland as Ethiopia has stated several
times that it would be the second country to recognize Somaliland.
Ethiopia's disinclination to be the first country to recognize Somaliland is
due to a number of factors:
- Given the historical animosity between Ethiopia and the Somali republic,
the subsequent disintegration of the former Somali republic and its support
to SNM, the Ethiopian government is not willing to be accused of
dismembering Somalia further by recognizing Somaliland.
- The absence of vibrant diplomatic pressure and drastic political
bargaining from Somaliland has resulted in the seemingly lack of Ethiopia's
political willingness and enthusiasm in recognizing Somaliland as a de jure
state.
Many observers argue that both Somaliland and Ethiopia have been
half-hearted in developing an effective relationship with regard to trade
and investment. Specifically, Hargeisa was not able to table a convincing
trade development program that would influence Ethiopia to invest in
Somaliland. Many political insiders contend that the successive Somaliland
governments have not invested much time and effort in promoting and
developing the Berbera Corridor as a major route for Ethiopia's imports and
exports and it remains grossly under-utilized compared to its potential. In
addition, Ethiopia had succeeded in bringing hydro-electric power to towns
near the Ethiopian-Somaliland border, but the current government in Hargeisa
has not taken advantage of this opportunity to extend this into Somaliland.
Nevertheless, it is our firm belief that Ethiopians also need to rethink
their political and diplomatic strategy towards Somaliland. Firstly,
Ethiopia's interest lies in ensuring a peaceful and independent Somaliland
with a fully-functioning and responsible state. Secondly, security remains
one of the most challenging issues in the contemporary setting and
particularly in this highly volatile region. Moreover, Ethiopia shares with
Somaliland a long border extending over hundreds of kilometres--that remains
secure thanks to the Somaliland government and its people. In this regard,
Ethiopia should reconsider Somaliland's quest for recognition as a critical
and strategic agenda for its security.
With new leadership in both countries, there is a window of opportunity to
develop a closer and more fruitful relationship, particularly with respect
to trade and investment. Interestingly, the foreign policy of Somaliland
seems to be improving as it is currently led by a minister with pragmatic
capacity, while Ethiopia has a new prime minister as well as a new and
energetic foreign minister.
SOMALILAND'S RELATIONS WITH DJIBOUTI
The relationship between Somaliland and Djibouti has never been successful
due to Djibouti's proverbial antagonistic policy towards Somaliland.
Djiboutians had received widespread and sustained support from the people of
Somaliland during their struggle for Independence in the 1970s. However,
when the Siyad Barre's regime initiated its policy of internal war against
the people of Somaliland during the late 1980s, which lead to the massacre
of civilians in Hargeisa and other cities in 1988, the Djibouti government
was not receptive to the flood of refugees that poured out of the country
seeking shelter and safe haven. Therefore most of the refugees sought asylum
in Ethiopia rather than Djibouti.
Djibouti is an important neighbour to Somaliland for several reasons.
Firstly, Djiboutians and Somalilanders have common ancestral lineage and
geographical tenancy since the people of Somaliland live both in Djibouti
and Somaliland. Secondly, most recently, Djiboutian businessmen, especially
from the circles of the ruling family, have hugely invested in Somaliland
with large scale business projects.
Since the re-emergence of Somaliland in early 1991, relations with Djibouti
have been unstable. There have been a number of military confrontations
between SNM fighters based at the border and the Djibouti military. The late
President Egal tried to establish better relations with Djibouti and he
initiated several measures in this regard, e.g. during a visit by Egal to
Djibouti in January 1994 President Abtidon requested President Egal that he
remove Somaliland forces based at the border between the two countries.
President Egal complied and ordered the removal of the Somaliland forces at
the border.
Formal diplomatic relations between Somaliland and Djibouti started early in
1999, when President Egal nominated Ambassador Omer Dheere to officially
open Somaliland's diplomatic office in Djibouti, however, Djibouti has not
opened any diplomatic office in Hargeisa. This low-key diplomatic
relationship deteriorated in early 2000, when Djibouti was hosting the
Somali Peace Conference in Arta, which the Somaliland government boycotted.
The proposal of the Arta Conference was initiated by President Egal, who
visited his counterpart President Ismeal Omar Gelleh in Djibouti and
proposed in detail a peace plan for Somalia that envisaged a reconciliation
conference for the warring factions hosted by Djibouti - the only
Somali-populated country that enjoyed international recognition. Egal
believed that Djibouti could play a significant role in reconciling the
warring factions in Somalia by using its positions at the UN, AU and Arab
League to secure the diplomatic, economic and political support of the
international community. Unfortunately, Gueleh betrayed Egal and invited
Somaliland to the Conference as one of the warring factions of Somalia in
direct contravention of their private agreement that Somaliland would not
participate at the conferences.
The Djibouti government has been deeply engaged in the politics of Somalia
and has hosted a number of peace conferences, notably Arta at which a puppet
government was established. More recently, Guelleh was the architect of
Sheikh Sharif's transitional government, which was established in Djibouti.
However, Djibouti's peace efforts have all proven ill-advised and
counterproductive. During this period, i.e. 2000 until the present,
Djibouti's political position on Somaliland's recognition has been
ambivalent at best and hostile at worst. Djibouti has not supported
Somaliland's quest for recognition at any international forum, e.g. IGAD,
AU, Arab League, while by contrast, Somaliland has cooperated with Djibouti
in securing the Djibouti-Somaliland border for some 23 years.
Presently, Somaliland maintains a diplomatic office in Djibouti confined to
minor activities such as welcoming Somaliland delegates to Djibouti. Many
political observers argue that Djibouti is very much engaged in thwarting
Somaliland's political maneuvers. For that reason, it is necessary that
Somaliland re-assess its diplomatic relations with Djibouti.
SOMALILAND'S RELATIONS WITH SOMALIA
The people of Somaliland and Somalia share many things which are very
unique; they share language, culture, religion and ethnicity. The Somali
people who live in these two states also reside in other countries from the
Horn of Africa such as Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. Somaliland was the
first Somali state that got independence on 26 June 1960. Somaliland and
former Italian trust territory united on 1 July 1960 and became the Somali
Republic. It is important to remember that Somaliland willingly and
voluntarily surrendered its sovereignty in 1960 without preconditions in the
cause of Greater Somalia. The main dream of that union was to bring all
Somali speaking people into one state. Unfortunately, that dream never
materialized. On the contrary, the union of two Somali territories was
unable to establish peace and justice between them. The former Italian trust
territory (South Somalia) had dominated the politics of the new republic and
marginalized the people of the former British Protectorate.
The inequity started from the beginning; the president, the prime minister,
key ministers, Head of Military, Police and other key posts went to Southern
politicians. The only civilian government, which had a premier from the
former British Protectorate Somaliland, had been overthrown on 1 October
1969 by the military junta. The Somali National Movement (SNM) - an
organization representing northern clans, although comprising mainly the
Isaaq membership - emerged in response to General Barre's policy of
atrocities, summary executions, targeted assassinations, arbitrary arrests,
expulsions, freezing of commercial activities and mass starvation of
millions of nomads whose livestock and water wells were destroyed by the
army of dictatorship.
After defeating Barre's army in 1990, the SNM convened a conference in the
town of Burao in 1991 at which all the northern clans/tribes were
represented. At this meeting, the representatives of the clans/tribes from
the Somaliland British protectorate decided to nullify the unratified Act of
Union of 1960 and re-established Somaliland's sovereignty. Since then
relations between Somaliland and Somalia have been uncertain due to the fact
that the Somali state collapsed and never recovered from its destruction,
while Somaliland had experienced a speedy recovery.
Successive governments of Somaliland have considered relations with Somalia
as a critical and sensitive matter. Unlike the incumbent government of
President Silanyo, all preceding governments were very sensitive and
reluctant to commence official or formal relations with Somalia. The main
arguments of the preceding governments of Egal and Rayale were twofold:
- That there was no credible, capable and functioning government with which
Somaliland can deal and negotiate on the critical issues interested by the
two parties,
- That there was no reason for Somaliland to meddle itself with the
divergent warring political functions of Somalia.
However, the incumbent government of Somaliland shifted the longstanding
policy of abstaining from any "deal with Somalia" and agreed to start talks
with Somalia for the first time in 21 years. The first time that Somaliland
and Somalia had "official talks" was July, 2012. These talks came about
after the "London Somali Conference"-- in which President Ahmed Silanyo
participated. This conference had a great impact which drove Somaliland and
Somalia to participate in subsequent bilateral meetings that were held in
Dubai, UK and Turkey respectively. President Silanyo as the elected Head of
State of Somaliland and President Sh. Sharif as the head of the Transitional
Federal Government of Somalia signed an agreement that was facilitated by
the UAE government in Dubai providing for further talks and negotiations
between the two entities. Interestingly, President Silanyo argued that these
talks with Somalia will pave the way for the long overdue recognition of
Somaliland. Those opposing talks with Somalia argue that it is a waste of
time as there is no democratically elected and strong government that has
the legitimate authority to negotiate and decide upon the critical and key
issue of Somaliland's independence. One of the key factors such opponents
cite to challenge the ongoing dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia is
that not a single point of these agreements, understandings and principles
that have so far been reached has been implemented.
In light of this fact, it is the firm belief of the authors that Somaliland
needs to critically re-examine its relations with Somalia and re-think the
ongoing dialogue between the two entities.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The government of Somaliland has to balance its diplomatic relationship with
the neighbouring states. Somaliland has to increase its diplomatic efforts
in the region--it is of paramount importance that Somaliland brings a
pragmatic approach to its diplomatic maneuvering in the region. Somaliland's
quid pro quo for offering bilateral security relations in the region has to
be international recognition.
Based upon the foregoing review, we would like to mention the following
recommendations as a basis for improving existing Somaliland's relations
with its neighbouring countries in the region:
- Strengthen Somaliland's diplomatic missions in Ethiopia and Djibouti
- Establish a special desk in Somaliland's Foreign Ministry for pursuing
effective relationships with these neighbouring countries in the region
- Come up with special and critical policy coupled with delivery mechanism
on the recently-formed relations with the so-called Somalia government
- In improving its relations with its neighbouring countries, Somaliland
should not forget the significance of prioritizing "trade, investment and
economic partnership"--which can contribute to Somaliland's economic growth.
- Capitalizing on the potential of the academia, the so-far formed
think-tanks and intellectual groups to ensure a participatory approach of
building vibrant relations and obtaining capital which can safeguard
Somaliland's interests.
* Mohamed Abdilahi Duale is a political analyst and an independent
researcher currently based in Somaliland.
* Saeed Mohamed Ahmed is a senior social worker and a youth activist based
in Somaliland. The article was first published in Somaliland Sun, May 2014.