http://www.dw.com/en/eritrea-is-building-its-own-type-of-political-system/a-19547256
Date 13.09.2016
Eritrea
Eritrea is building 'its own type of political system'
Yemane Gebreab is the second most influential person in Eritrea. In an
exclusive interview, DW asked him about the large number of Eritreans
fleeing the country and Asmara's relations with its foe Ethiopia.
Last week, an official delegation from Eritrea visited Berlin to
strengthen bilateral ties with Germany. The visit was seen as
controversial, owing to several reports on human rights violations in
the African country. DW talked with Yemane Gebreab, political head of
Eritrea's single party and advisor to President Isaias Afwerki.
DW: Can you give us an assessment of your stay in Germany?
Yemane Gebreab: Well, I think it has been a productive visit for us.
We had discussions with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry
of Economic Cooperation and with parliamentarians, and we had a public
panel on the situation in Eritrea and in the Horn of Africa in
general. So for us this is a phase of re-engaging with Germany and
developing partnerships in various sectors. We would like to see a
more active German foreign policy and constructive role in the Horn of
Africa as well.
What makes Germany unique in doing business with Eritrea compared to
other Western countries, especially with the US, which seem to be
reluctant to engage with Eritrea?
Well, I think engagement with Eritrea is growing generally. We are
engaged with the European Union; we have a development partnership
with the EU, and other EU countries are also interested. But for us
Germany is key because of obvious reasons. It is the biggest country
with the biggest economy. And we have had very good working partners
in Germany— in the government, the legislature, the parliament and in
the business community. We have many friends in Germany; a number of
NGO's have been working in Eritrea consistently for many, many years.
So there is a basis on which to build.
Reports show that Eritrea has been attracting a lot of investors from
abroad, particularly in the mining area. What future do you see for
Eritrea in the field of investments in natural resources?
The natural resources' area is not a big sector for us. It is not the
most important sector. It can be a bridge until we develop other
sectors for our economy. We are very much aware of the resource curse
that has affected a number of countries throughout the world. So we
develop our mining sector very, very carefully. But now, as you
rightly said, there are some investors in the mining sector. But we
are also trying to attract investments in other sectors like
agriculture, agro-processing, manufacturing, infrastructure
development, transport, tourism and other areas.
One single political party has been ruling the country for over two
decades now. Why is Eritrea reluctant to embrace a multiparty
political system?
We are very critical of the experience of Africa in political
governance since the end of colonialism. If you look at the
experience, it has not succeeded. There were one-party states
immediately after independence, but they didn't work. They had
multiparty systems - those have not worked either. An example is our
neighbor, Ethiopia, which supposedly has many, many political parties
but is very far from addressing the needs of its people. So it is not
the form of government for us. We are interested, chiefly, in
governance based on citizenship, where citizens are treated equally.
We are interested in basic fundamental rights and freedoms for our
people. We want to build a political system that is suited to our own
situation and that corresponds to the real needs and demands of our
people. So we are in an experimental stage. We will continue to build
this type of political system for Eritrea.
Eritrea drafted a new constitution in 1997, but so far it has not been
implemented. What are the reasons for not implementing it?
Well, the reason is that as soon as the constitution was ratified we
had a war with Ethiopia, and that complicated matters. Again, look at
the process of constitution-making in Africa. In most of the countries
what is written in the constitution and what takes place in real life
are completely different things. We have seen a number of African
counties change their constitutions because they want to keep the
president in power for a few more years. So again, a constitution for
us is a living document that needs to continue to evolve. And when the
constitution in Eritrea was ratified in 1997, 60 to 70 percent of the
Eritreans living in the country today – the young people – were not
part of the process. So we want to give the whole population again
another opportunity to try to craft a constitution that is suited to
our own conditions.
On and off, there have been border clashes from small-scale to heavy
fighting between Eritrea and Ethiopia. So far, there seem to be no
concrete remedies proposed by any of the two parties. Is there any
suggestion that Eritrea could sit down at a negotiating table to try
and solve the border problem with Ethiopia?
Well, the government in Ethiopia does not want to respect the
internationally binding arbitrational ruling decision. So that is the
problem. There has been a violation of international law. And I think
that was done because it was linked to domestic politics in Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian government does not want to address the issues of the
Ethiopian people. It does not want to address the issues of relations
with Eritrea, and I think those two are linked. For Eritrea, we
believe a resolution for the Eritrea-Ethiopia problem will come with
the issue of transition in Ethiopia. Once the situation in Ethiopia is
clarified and there is a government in the country that is inclusive
and wants to live at peace with the people of Ethiopia and also at
peace with its neighbors, then I think the prospects for normalization
and cooperation of relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia will be
bigger.
In June 2016, there was a border clash between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Your government blamed the US as alleged instigators of the clash. How
did you arrive at this conclusion?
If you look at the whole situation in the Horn of Africa - the
relation between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the situation in Somalia, the
situation in South Sudan, the situation in Yemen, the situation in the
Middle East, in Iraq, in Syria, in Libya and in many other countries -
you see that the policies that the US have been following for the last
25 years have not produced a very good result. And we believe there is
a need for a review of US policies in the region, because they have
not worked, and the situations in the region attest to that.
Recently, the UN Commission of Inquiry (COI) released a report
alleging Eritrea has "committed crimes against humanity since 1991."
But your government responded that the report has no "solid evidence
or firm legal basis to support this extreme and unfounded charge." Can
you elaborate on the finding of the report and the response of the
Eritrean government?
It is not just the response of the Eritrean government; the Human
Rights Council did not accept the report (The Council adopted, without
a vote, resolution 29/18, in which it extended the mandate of the
Commission for one year in order to investigate systematic, widespread
and gross violations of human rights in Eritrea with a view to
ensuring full accountability, including where these violations may
amount to crimes against humanity. N.B). It just noted it; it did not
support the recommendations that form the essence of the Commission of
Inquiry report. It politely rejected the report, because there is no
basis. So that is not only the Eritrean point of view, but the view of
the Human Rights Council as well.
The Ethiopian government often accuses Eritrea of training rebel
groups like Ginbot 7 or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) – which it
considers to be terrorists and a threat to its national security. How
do you view the Ethiopian government's allegation?
I think this is a sign of desperation from the Ethiopian government,
and it has made it a laughing stock among Ethiopians. Amhara
protesters in Barhir Dar and Gondar laughed at this accusation. The
Oromos have always said that their struggle precedes even the birth of
Eritrea as an independent state. The Oromo struggle started long
before Eritrea became an independent country. So this is just
ridiculous.
During the panel discussion in Berlin you stated that if Eritrea
didn't have a national military and civil service, still more young
people would be leaving their home. How do you support your argument,
when many say that it is precisely the national service that has been
driving many young Eritreans out of the country?
Well, the national service started many, many years ago and there was
no migration at that time. Migration is driven by other factors,
including the pull factor from the European countries, which promise
immediate political asylum for Eritreans. But the national service is
a very important project for nation-building in Eritrea. It has proved
its value, and I think other African countries should learn from it. I
believe even European countries are thinking of reintroducing national
service again.
Yemane Gebreab is political head of Eritrea's single party People's
Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and advisor to President Isaias
Afwerki.
The interview was conducted by Merga Yonas Bula
Received on Thu Sep 15 2016 - 14:00:48 EDT