From: Biniam Haile \(SWE\) (eritrea.lave@comhem.se)
Date: Sun Apr 12 2009 - 16:26:28 EDT
Peace on the Horn
The actions of Ethiopia's government have put a strain on relations with
Washington.
By Jason McLure | Newsweek Web Exclusive
Apr 11, 2009
For the past three years, Ethiopia has been Washington's key ally in
fighting terrorism in the Horn of Africa. Its two-year U.S. backed
occupation of Somalia led to the ouster of one Islamist government in
Mogadishu, but fueled the rise of a more radical group, known as
Al-Shabab. But government's domestic activities have put the most strain
on the alliance. The disputed 2005 elections ended with security forces
killing 193 demonstrators and the jailing of opposition leader Birtukan
Mideksa and more than 120 other opposition figures, journalists and
activists. Birtukan was pardoned in 2007 and released from jail, but
landed in prison again in December after the government said she
violated terms of her release. Many analysts say the jailing had more to
do with Birtukan organizing a challenge in national elections next year.
NEWSWEEK's Jason McLure talked with Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin about
democracy, Somalia and the durability of Ethiopia's alliance. Excerpts:
Your government has said the invasion of Somalia was a great success.
How so?
Ethiopia never invaded Somalia. We intervened in Somalia upon the
request of the transitional Parliament and the government of [former
Somali transitional president] Abdullahi Yusuf and on the basis of
guaranteeing our own security. The Union of Islamic Courts was composed
of not only moderate Islamists but extremists. Extremist groups from
outside the region had been trying their level best to use Somalia as a
springboard to launch terrorist activities in the region. Ethiopia has
neutralized this force. Today there is only Al-Shabab and a few groups
working as small units without any formidable organization. Their
military backbone has been completely shattered.
Many people disagree. They say that while the intervention did oust the
Islamic Courts, it fueled support for Al-Shabab, which is more radical
and now controls a large part of southern Somalia. There are now 3.4
million displaced Somalis and piracy has become endemic.
This is absolutely wrong. Today they are reduced into fragmented groups.
This radicalization has not come about as a result of Ethiopia's
intervention in Somalia because for some time they were trying to
establish a Taliban-type state in Somalia. Piracy is now a major threat
to international waterways. This has not come as a result of the
intervention of Ethiopia. These groups have been there and they are
running this business not only from Somalia, but other areas as well.
There's concern about a crackdown on political opposition in Ethiopia.
At local elections last year, out of 3.6 million seats, opposition
parties won three. There's the passage of the NGO law cutting off
funding for groups like the Ethiopian Human Rights Council and, probably
most significantly, the jailing of opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa.
The EPRDF [Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front] government
has made it abundantly clear that democracy and respect of political and
human-rights groups is not a matter of choice. It's a matter of survival
for the nation. Ethiopia is continuously building institutions of
democracy and good governance. Elections do not explain the whole sense
of building institutions. Trying to micromanage the building of
democracy from anybody outside is not going to help. This is a fledgling
democracy. The challenges are huge.
Many people would argue that the EPRDF lost confidence in democracy
after the 2005 elections.
Absolutely not. In fact, the EPRDF is building this institution of
governance with utmost confidence.
Are you worried that by keeping Birtukan Mideksa in jail under a life
sentence, she becomes a symbol of repression?
Birtukan was not imprisoned because she was a political figure. [After
the disputed 2005 elections] she was involved in attempting to dismantle
the constitutionally constituted government of the country. She was
sentenced. She asked for a pardon. Then she went out of prison and said
she had never asked for the pardon. Automatically, under Ethiopian law,
a person who declares she did not ask for a pardon has to go back to
serving her sentence.
Your government is due to welcome Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir to
Addis Ababa this month. What's the message that you want to come out of
this summit? And how do you think Western nations will react to seeing
one of their closest allies in Africa cozying up to an indicted war
criminal?
The real issue is that Africa, in a collective voice, has said that the
International Criminal Court's issuance of an arrest warrant is not
going to serve the interest of Sudan or the victims of Darfur. It's not
going to achieve peace and stability. It brings more complexity and
difficulty to the peace-building process. That's why Africa,
collectively at the African Union summit, asked the U.N. Security
Council to defer the ICC process to allow Africa and Sudan to focus on
resolving this situation.
Doesn't this interfere with serving justice for the victims of Darfur?
Peace and justice are inseparable. How can one expect that justice will
be served when there is no peace and stability in Darfur?
C 2009
http://www.newsweek.com/id/193417
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