From: Tsegai Emmanuel (emmanuelt40@gmail.com)
Date: Thu Jun 04 2009 - 09:26:47 EDT
Obama Speech In Cairo: VIDEO, Full
Text<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/06/04/obama-speech-in-cairo-vid_n_211215.html>
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/06/04/obama-speech-in-cairo-vid_n_211215.html
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two
remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a
beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has
been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony
between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the
hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the
goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim
communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around
the world - tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current
policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes
centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious
wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights
and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority
countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own
aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and
globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions
of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent
minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued
efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led
some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America
and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and
mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower
those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than
the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and
prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and
Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect;
and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and
need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common
principles - principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity
of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech
can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have
all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced
that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our
hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be
a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to
respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us,
"Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to
do - to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and
firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more
powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian,
but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of
Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of
the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I
worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their
Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was
Islam - at places like Al-Azhar University - that carried the light of
learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance
and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed
the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our
mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and
how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and
soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and
places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has
demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious
tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first
nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli
in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in
itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of
Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United
States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil
rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our
sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the
Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to
Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy
Koran that one of our Founding Fathers - Thomas Jefferson - kept in his
personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where
it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership
between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't.
And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United
States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as
Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype
of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest
sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of
revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are
created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give
meaning to those words - within our borders, and around the world. We are
shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to
a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack
Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so
unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for
everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -
that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who
enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice
one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union,
and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government
has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab,
and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that
America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or
station in life, all of us share common aspirations - to live in peace and
security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our
families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the
hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our
task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be
met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the
challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us
all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system
weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu
infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear
weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent
extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across
an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a
stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this
world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another
as human beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often
been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their
own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given
our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of
people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past,
we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; progress must be shared.
That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests
the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit,
let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that
I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its
forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not - and never will be - at war
with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who
pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that
people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and
children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American
people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to
work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and
the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we
went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the
events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on
that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and
many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda
chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and
even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have
affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are
not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek
no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men
and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.
We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be
confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan
determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not
yet the case.
That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And
despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed,
none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many
countries. They have killed people of different faiths - more than any
other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the
rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy
Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all
mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.
The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the
narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating
violent extremism - it is an important part of promoting peace.
We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each
year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools
and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those
who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8
billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that
people depend upon.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of
choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without
the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have
reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international
consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall
the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow
with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it
will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future
- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that
we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's
sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat
brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's
democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities
by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq
train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a
secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we
must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country.
The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases,
it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to
change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the
United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by
early next year.
So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and
the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities
which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and
unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation
between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable.
It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the
aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot
be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and
anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow,
I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews
were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six
million Jews were killed - more than the entire Jewish population of Israel
today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening
Israel with destruction - or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews - is
deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most
painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this
region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -
Muslims and Christians - have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more
than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in
refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of
peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the
daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation. So let
there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for
dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate
aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It
is easy to point fingers - for Palestinians to point to the displacement
brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant
hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well
as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then
we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of
both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians
each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and
the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome
with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the
parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it
is time for them - and all of us - to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing
is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America
suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.
But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful
and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's
founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South
Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth:
that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to
shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That
is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The
Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions
that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some
Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in
fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people,
Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize
Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to
exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not
accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction
violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is
time for these settlements to stop.
Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can
live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates
Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not
serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in
the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be
part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such
progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was
an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The
Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of
Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to
help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their
state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a
self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in
public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We
cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will
not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian
state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and
Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land
of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when
Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims,
and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together
as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon
them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and
responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the
Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by
its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history
between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role
in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the
Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and
violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known.
Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's
leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The
question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants
to build.
It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between
our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions
on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when
it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not
simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race
in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely
dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others
do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear
weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a
world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including
Iran - should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies
with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That
commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who
fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can
share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent
years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let
me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one
nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the
will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way,
grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to
know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the
outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all
people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a
say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal
from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just
American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them
everywhere.
There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful
and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America
respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around
the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected,
peaceful governments - provided they govern with respect for all their
people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for
democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless
in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold,
government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all
who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion;
you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of
tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and
the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without
these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of
Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child
in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly
Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country
should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of
the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to
thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own
faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity
must be upheld - whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in
Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the
divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly
in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.
We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the
United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to
fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working
with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim
citizens from practicing religion as they see fit - for instance, by
dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise
hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service
projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That
is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith
dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around
the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between
peoples lead to action - whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or
providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.
I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the
West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I
do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And
it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far
more likely to be prosperous.
Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an
issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen
Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for
women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in
countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our
common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity - men and women
- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the
same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who
choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their
choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority
country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women
pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their
dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The
Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also
offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and
opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all
nations - including my own - this change can bring fear. Fear that because
of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our
politics, and most importantly our identities - those things we most cherish
about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be
contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and
South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The
same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries
from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim
communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon
what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are
out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of
oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of
us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the
21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains
underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my
country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this
part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships,
like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more
Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim
students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for
teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so
a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers
to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a
Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties
between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United
States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support
technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer
ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of
scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and
appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new
sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and
grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the
Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also
expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal
health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join
with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders,
and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people
pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a
responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek - a world
where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have
come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a
state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a
world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's
children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we
seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many - Muslim and non-Muslim - who question whether we can
forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division,
and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the
effort - that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to
clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is
so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we
will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people
of every faith, in every country - you, more than anyone, have the ability
to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is
whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we
commit ourselves to an effort - a sustained effort - to find common ground,
to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity
of all human beings.
It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others
than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the
things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy
path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion - that
we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends
nations and peoples - a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or
brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in
the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions.
It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage
to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female;
and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one
another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting
peace."
The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be
called sons of God."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's
vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's
peace be upon you.
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