From: Biniam Tekle (biniamt@dehai.org)
Date: Fri Mar 05 2010 - 09:48:47 EST
http://feingold.senate.gov/record.cfm?id=322668
Feingold Statement on the Fragile State of Democracy in Africa
For the Congressional Record
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
Mr. President, I’d like to note the many challenges to democracy we are
seeing across Africa today. I have long said that promoting and supporting
democratic institutions should be a key tenet of our engagement with Africa,
as good governance is essential to Africa’s stability and its prosperity.
Africans are well aware of this and that is why we have seen spirited
democratic movements throughout the continent, even against great odds. It
is also why African leaders have committed at the African Union with the
Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance that
they will work to enforce “the right to participate in free, credible and
democratic political processes.”
The previous administration spoke often about its commitment to promote
democracy in Africa and throughout the world. The current administration too
has committed to encourage strong and sustainable democratic governments,
though it has rightly acknowledged that democracy is about more than holding
elections. In his speech in Ghana, President Obama said, “America will not
seek to impose any system of government on any nation – the essential truth
of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. What we will do
is increase assistance for responsible individuals and institutions, with a
focus on supporting good governance – on parliaments, which check abuses of
power and ensure that opposition voices are heard; on the rule of law, which
ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that
young people get involved…”
Mr. President, I agree that we must take a more holistic approach in our
efforts to promote and support democracy. Democracy is not just about a
single event every few years; it is also about an ongoing process of
governance that is accountable and responsive to the needs and will of
citizens. And it is about citizens having the space, encouragement, and
ability to educate themselves, mobilize and participate in that process. We
must help countries build such institutions and encourage such space. And we
must be willing to speak out against erosions of democratic rights and
freedoms – and not only once a country reaches a crisis point such as a
coup.
Mr. President, while some African countries have made great democratic
strides, I am concerned about the fragile state of democracy on the
continent, especially within a number of countries set to hold elections
over the next 15 months. In particular, I am concerned by the democratic
backsliding in several countries that are close U.S. partners and
influential regional actors. It is notable that the Director of National
Intelligence included a section on “stalled democratization” in Africa in
his public testimony last month to the Senate Intelligence Committee on
annual threat assessments. He stated, “The number of African states holding
elections continues to grow although few have yet to develop strong,
enduring democratic institutions and traditions. In many cases the
‘winner-take-all’ ethos predominates and risks exacerbating ethnic,
regional, and political divisions.”
Elections are only one component of the democratic process, but still they
are a significant one. The pre- and post-elections periods in many countries
are ones in which democratic space and institutions are most clearly tested
and face the greatest strains. They can be the periods in which democracy is
at its best, but they can also be the periods in which democracy faces some
of its greatest threats. This is the case not only in Africa; this is the
case here in the United States and that is why I have worked tirelessly to
limit the power of wealthy interests to unduly influence our elections.
Among those African countries scheduled to hold national elections in 2010
are Ethiopia, Sudan, Togo, Central African Republic, Burundi, Rwanda,
Tanzania and Burkina Faso. Guinea, Madagascar, and Niger, three countries
that have recently had coups, have also committed to hold elections this
year. And in early 2011, Benin, Djibouti, Uganda, Nigeria and Chad are all
scheduled to hold elections.
Mr. President, of all these elections, Sudan’s is already receiving
significant attention, and for good reason. That election – the country’s
first multiparty one in 24 years – has the potential to be a historic step
toward political transformation in Sudan if it is credible. However,
restrictions on opposition parties and the continued insecurity in Darfur
have many doubting whether the conditions even exist for credible elections.
Furthermore, increasing violence within southern Sudan is very worrying. In
any case, the results of Sudan’s election in April will have a great
influence on political dynamics within the country and region for years to
come and will pave the way for southern Sudan’s vote on self-determination,
set for January 2011. The international community is rightly keeping a close
eye on these elections, and we need to continue supporting efforts to make
them credible and be prepared to speak out against any abuses or rigging.
Similarly, we need to keep a close eye on the other African countries
holding important elections this year. Let me highlight four countries whose
upcoming elections I believe also merit close attention and specific
international engagement.
The first is Ethiopia, which is set to hold elections in May. In his
testimony, the Director of National Intelligence stated, “In Ethiopia, Prime
Minister Meles and his party appear intent on preventing a repeat of the
relatively open 2005 election which produced a strong opposition showing.”
Indeed, in Ethiopia, democratic space has been diminishing steadily since
2005. Over the last two years, the Ethiopian Parliament has passed several
new laws granting broad discretionary powers to the government to arrest
opponents. One such law, the Charities and Societies Proclamation, imposes
direct government controls over civil society and bars any civil society
group receiving more than 10 percent of its funding from international
sources to do work related to human rights, gender equality, the rights of
the disabled, children’s rights or conflict resolution. Another law, the
Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, defines terrorism-related crimes so broadly
that they could extend to non-violent forms of political dissent and
protest.
Mr. President, Ethiopia is an important partner of the United States and we
share many interests. We currently provide hundreds of millions of dollars
in aid annually to Ethiopia. That is why I have been so concerned and
outspoken about these repressive measures. And that is why I believe we have
a stake in ensuring that Ethiopia’s democratic process moves forward, not
backward. With the elections just three months away, several key opposition
leaders remain imprisoned, most notably Birtukan Mideksa, the head of the
Unity for Democracy and Justice Party. There is no way that elections can be
fair, let alone credible, with opposition leaders in jail or unable to
campaign freely. At the bare minimum, the international community should
push for the release of these political prisoners ahead of the elections.
And if nothing changes, we should not be afraid to stand with the Ethiopian
people and state clearly that an election in name only is an affront to
their country’s democratic aspirations.
The second country I want to highlight is Burundi. As many people will
recall, Burundi was devastated by political violence throughout the 1990s,
leaving over 100,000 people dead. Yet, the country has made tremendous
strides in recent years to recover and rebuild from its civil war. In 2005,
it held multi-party national and local elections, a major milestone on its
transition to peace. Burundians are set to head to the polls again this
year. If these elections are fair, free and peaceful, they have the
potential to be another milestone along the path toward reconciliation,
lasting stability and democratic institutions. This would be good not only
for Burundi, but also for the whole of Central Africa. Burundians deserve
international support and encouragement as they strive for that goal.
Still, many challenges remain. The tensions that fed and were fueled by
Burundi’s civil war have not entirely gone away. And there is some evidence
that the parties continue to use the tools of war to pursue their political
goals. According to a report by the International Crisis Group last month,
“opposition parties are facing harassment and intimidation from police and
the ruling party’s youth wing and appear to be choosing to respond to
violence with violence.” Furthermore, there continue to be reports that the
National Intelligence Service is being used by the ruling party to
destabilize the opposition. If these trends continue, they could taint
Burundi’s elections and set back its peace process. The international
community, which has played a big role in Burundi’s peace process, cannot
wait until a month before the election to speak out and engage the parties
these issues. We need to do it now.
Mr. President, Burundi’s neighbor to the north, Rwanda, is also slated to
hold important elections this summer. Rwanda is another country that has
come a long way. Since the genocide in 1994, the government and people of
Rwanda have made impressive accomplishments in rebuilding the country and
improving basic services. It is notable that Rwanda was the top reformer
worldwide in the 2010 World Bank’s “Doing Business Report.” President Kagame
has shown commendable and creative leadership in this respect. On the
democratic front, however, Rwanda still has a long way to go.
Understandably there are real challenges to fostering democracy some 15
years after the genocide, but it is troubling that there is not more space
within Rwanda for criticism and opposition voices. The State Department’s
2008 Human Rights Report for Rwanda stated, “There continued to be limits on
freedom of speech and of association, and restrictions on the press
increased.” With elections looming, there are now some reports that
opposition party members in Rwanda are facing increasing threats and
harassment. The international community should not shy away from pushing for
greater democratic space in Rwanda, which is critical for the country’s
lasting stability. We fail to be true friends to the Rwandan people if we do
not stand with them in the fight against renewed abuse of civil and
political rights. In the next few months in the run-up to the elections, it
is a key time for international donors to raise these issues with Kigali.
Mr. President, finally I would like to talk about Uganda, which is set to
hold elections in February 2011. Uganda, like Rwanda, is a close friend of
the United States, and we have worked together on many joint initiatives
over recent years. President Museveni deserves credit for his leadership on
many issues both within the country and the wider region. However, at the
same time, Museveni’s legacy has been tainted by his failure to allow
democracy to take hold in Uganda. Uganda’s most recent elections have been
hurt by reports of fraud, intimidation and politically motivated
prosecutions of opposition candidates. The Director of National Intelligence
stated in his testimony that Uganda remains essentially a “one-party state”
and said the government “is not undertaking democratic reforms in advance of
the elections scheduled for 2011.”
Uganda’s elections next year could be a defining moment for the country and
will have ramifications for the country’s long-term stability. The riots in
Buganda last September showed that regional and ethnic tensions remain
strong in many parts of the country. Therefore, it is important that the
United States and other friends of Uganda work with that country’s leaders
to ensure critical electoral reforms are enacted. In the consolidated
appropriations act that passed in December, Congress provided significant
assistance for Uganda, but also specifically directed the Secretary of State
“to closely monitor preparations for the 2011 elections in Uganda and to
actively promote…the independence of the election commission; the need for
an accurate and verifiable voter registry; the announcement and posting of
results at the polling stations; the freedom of movement and assembly and a
process free of intimidation; freedom of the media; and the security and
protection of candidates.”
Mr. President, again these challenges are not unique to Africa. Here in the
United States, we too have to work constantly to ensure the integrity of our
elections and our democratic processes. But I believe these upcoming
elections in a number of African states could have major ramifications for
the overall trajectory of democracy on the continent as well as for issues
of regional security. I also believe several of these elections could
significantly impact U.S. policy and strategic partnerships on the
continent. For that reason, I do not believe we can wait until weeks or days
before these elections to start focusing on them. We need to start engaging
well in advance and helping to pave the way for truly democratic
institutions and the consolidation of democracy. This includes aligning with
democratic actors that speak out against repressive measures that erode
political and civil rights. The Obama administration has done this well in
some cases, but we need to do it more consistently and effectively. In the
coming months, I hope to work with the administration to ensure we have a
clear policy and the resources to that end.
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