From: Berhane Habtemariam (Berhane.Habtemariam@gmx.de)
Date: Sun Apr 11 2010 - 16:37:06 EDT
Ethiopia: At a Decisive Stage Between Its People and the TPLF
11/04/2010
Part I
In order to understand the ever changing agendas and the dangerous attitude
of the
TPLF regime requires one to first have some idea about the
background and the founding of the Ethiopian nation.
Ethiopia's current political map came into shape in 1945, after the
victory of the Allied powers over the Axis forces and specifi cally when
the British Empire decided to cede the control of the Ogaden region to
Emperor Haileslasie of Ethiopia. But prior to the founding of the presentday
Ethiopia, there were many other indigenous rivaling entities competing
for power from regions such as Tigray, Gojjam, Shoa as well as the Mahdi
from the Sudan. However, with the advent of the Mahdi movement and
the Italian invasion, the kingdoms of Tigray and Gojjam were much
weakened. This power vacuum and the existing contention between the
French and the British to expand their colonial territories were exploited
by
the aspiring Shoan King Menelik, who forged agreements with European
powers and managed to expand his territory. This gave Ethiopia its
presentday
geographical appearance.
In the course of history that took place after, a history punctuated by much
strife and contention amongst the warring nobilities in Ethiopia, the Amhara
noble class came out triumphant. Hence, they formed a monarchical feudal
dynasty that put the ownership of all land and the means of production
under the tutelage of the Royal Family, the feudal lords and their vassals,
effectively enforcing a strict policy in which all the other entities and
nationalities were to become subservient to the ruling elite. However, the
creation of a modern nation-state required the complete overhauling of the
antiquated political system that based on outdated feudal notions. Hence, it
was only natural that nationalities and entities that were stepped upon for
centuries start to rise and rebel.
Nonetheless, the attempt to expand the Ethiopian territory by Ethiopian
emperors did not stop there. The Haileslasie regime, in order to get a sea
outlet annexed Eritrea by invalidating the prior agreement it made with the
Italian empire to unite Eritrea and Ethiopia under federation with the help
of the American Administration. The annexation of Eritrea added further
fuel to the internal instability that was already prevalent in Ethiopia. As
a
result of the outbreak that ensued, the Haileslasie regime was overthrown
through the combined tremor caused by the Eritrean revolution and uprising
of the Ethiopian masses.
However, the insurrection of the Ethiopian masses was not organized, and
did not bring about a leadership that was intent in establishing democratic
rule. The power vacuum left by the Haileslasie regime was fi lled by the
military junta that had a relatively better organization, the Derg.
Similarly to its predecessor, the Derg regime, on its part, not only did
it fail to ensure a progressive government, but it also made the blunder of
attempting to crush popular resistance through military might that led to
much bloodletting and chaos. Such a situation paved way for the creation
of many nationalist or popular organizations. The armed insurrection of the
Tigrayan people, hence, was created under such state-of-affairs.
Eritrean organizations and specially the Eritrean People's Liberation
Front, taking into consideration not only the open aggression the Ethiopian
regimes were infl icting upon the Eritrean people, but also the much anguish
upon their own people, were providing moral and material support to the
just struggle of the different Ethiopian movements from early stages. As
part of the cooperation, it is well documented that fi ghters belonging to
the
EPRP as well as Tigrayan opposition that were staying with the E.P.L.F. to
acquire some experience; moved back to Ethiopia to continue their struggle
when the Haileslasie regime was toppled. One of those fi ghters who were
staying with the E.P.L.F. to gain practical experience and objectives of
struggle and was sent to Tigray to continue his struggle by the EPLF was
combatant Mehari Tecle. And he initiated the armed struggle by meeting
and consulting with the members of the Tigrayns Progressive Movement
that was formed by Tigryan students and was operating in Addis Ababa.
Hence, an organization known as Tigrayan People's Liberation Front was
created in February 1975 and its core cadres were trained at the training
center of the EPLF.
Not so long later, due to the dispute and misunderstanding between
the Tigrayan fi ghters, the organization was split into two and the Weyane
People's Liberation Front was born. During this time there were also other
Tigrayan organizations such as EDU and Tigrayan People's Liberation
Front and Tigryan People's Liberation Front Executive Committee, etc.
However, because of the antagonism amongst the different organizations
led into physical confrontation, the Tigrayan People's Popular Front came
out triumphant thanks to the support that it got from the EPLF.
The Tigrayan people, who desired very much to break the cycles of
dominance and discrimination against them, have enabled it to come
to power by providing material support and by paying much sacrifi ce.
However, the narrow mentality and ploys of the TPLF leadership was not
only not representing the aspiration and desire of the people of Tigray,
but also the choice of the clique to pursue revenge instead of becoming
revolutionary vanguard and the racial policies it followed have lit fi re in
Ethiopia that could not be easily extinguished and is on the verge of its
demise and threatening the very existence of the country.
Part II
TPLF during the Initial Stage of Armed Struggle
Rising from the various clashes among different political organizations
in the Tigrayan fi elds in 1975, the TPLF leadership went on for more than
a year without a clear political program or policy. However, since the
clique as a political entity had to clarify its programs and objectives, in
February 1976 the TPLF issued a ludicrous statement known as 'Manifesto
68'. Some of the nonsensical points presented in the 'manifesto' are stated
below.
In explaining the question 'Who is a Tigrayan?' the 1976 TPLF manifesto
had stipulated that the identity of being a Tigrayan applies to all Tigrinya
speakers, Afars, Erob as well as the Agew and Baza (the Kunama).
Although the location of the peoples just referred to is not clearly stated,
the boundaries of the 'oppressed' Tigray region as per the manifesto runs
from the Alowha River (Wello) in the south, the Mereb River to the north
and encompasses Tselemti and Welkait from the west. As to the basic
national question of the Tigrayan people, the infamous manifesto states that
'since the oppressed peoples can no longer tolerate co-existence with their
oppressors, it is neither possible nor necessary to continue this subjugated
existence. Thus, realizing that the idea of mounting a united opposition
struggle is not only impossible but impractical and unlikely as well, the
objective of our struggle is to establish an independent Tigray Republic
that is free from imperialist exploitation and oppression.'
After being advised by the Eritrean Liberation Forces that the 'Manifesto
68' is an unrealistic approach, the TPLF leadership withdrew it from offi
cial
stages with out delay, or to be more exact the TPLF put on hold its program
until the opportunity to take it out again presented itself. Hence, it was
no
secret that the TPLF had always remained secretly faithful to its initial
manifesto all along. Leaders of the clique had made it clear in no uncertain
terms that they don't believe in Ethiopian unity or a united struggle of
the Ethiopian peoples. The 'Manifesto 68' is adequate concrete evidence
that the TPLF had from the onset expansionist tendencies as regards the
borders of Tigray.
Nobody can claim that the Tigrayan people had no justifi able cause to
wage their struggle or that their question had not been right. However,
it had become clear from the beginning that the oppressed Tigrayan
people's just cause and struggle lacked a prudent leadership that could
steer it into the right direction. One only has but to take a single look at
the TPLF's vengeful and impetuous political program to understand the
afore-mentioned fact. It is crystal clear that the clique had set out to
secure
its economic monopoly by exploiting the suffering and plight of the Tigray
people and satisfy its dreams of vengeance at the expense of the lives of
young Tigrayans.
In short, the TPLF had from the outset intended to exploit the Tigrayan
people's passion for fi ghting to secure their rights and use it to serve
its
own factional interests. Rising from this devious and weak foundation, the
clique went on without a clear or astute political philosophy, wasting no
time in roaming from Tirana to Langley, changing principles with every
new breeze and adopting multi-faceted stances.
The agenda of the TPLF as well as its unrealistic objectives lacked
acceptance from all especially from the EPLF. Eventually it was forced
to replace its objective which focused on "Establishing an independent
Republic of Tigray" into "Respecting the right to self-determination of the
people of Tigray". However, even if the TPLF seemed to exercise the latter
objective in its offi cial demeanor, from within it kept its subtle agenda
of
secession. And in many different ways, this hidden agenda no matter how
much the TPLF tried to conceal was evidently noticeable. During the early
stages, it declined the recommendation forwarded from the EPLF with
regard to working together with the national and multinational Ethiopian
opposition movements, and this was a refl ection as to how much the TPLF
was intent on its own plan. In 1976, the EPLF's suggestion that the TPLF
struggle side by side with the EPRP didn't get much approval. The TPLF
gave a deaf ear to this appeal due to its covert intentions.
The multinational EPRP organization in parallel with the TPLF began
its armed struggle in Tigray. However, in addition to its other mistakes,
the conceited feeling of "Greater Ethiopia" which largely imbued the
ruling aristocratic classes of the Amhara was visibly present in the EPRP.
Hence, these two opposition forces were obviously not able to merge. In
order to suggest a remedy to their skewed progress, the EPLF leadership
invited a meeting to propose a means on how to settle their quarrels. It
also recommended that they plan realistic objectives and work together
towards their goal. Due to their different views, however, they failed to
accept the plea. Especially the TPLF was expecting that the EPLF would
change its stand and align with it skidding from its principled conviction.
Hence, the TPLF was not happy with the balanced and unbiased view
of the EPLF. The leadership of the TPLF which was not pleased by the
impartial statement of the EPLF opted to abandon the EPLF which had
nurtured it from the cradle.
Hence, the TPLF didn't take long to befriend some other parties which
it never trusted much before. This is because its stand is founded not on
principles but rather on interests!
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