From: wolda002@umn.edu
Date: Mon May 24 2010 - 23:15:29 EDT
May 24, 2010
U.S. Is Said to Expand Secret Military Acts in Mideast Region
By MARK MAZZETTI
WASHINGTON — The top American commander in the Middle East has ordered a 
broad expansion of clandestine military activity in an effort to disrupt 
militant groups or counter threats in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Somalia and other 
countries in the region, according to defense officials and military 
documents.
The secret directive, signed in September by Gen. David H. Petraeus, 
authorizes the sending of American Special Operations troops to both 
friendly and hostile nations in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Horn 
of Africa to gather intelligence and build ties with local forces. 
Officials said the order also permits reconnaissance that could pave the 
way for possible military strikes in Iran if tensions over its nuclear 
ambitions escalate.
While the Bush administration had approved some clandestine military 
activities far from designated war zones, the new order is intended to make 
such efforts more systematic and long term, officials said. Its goals are 
to build networks that could “penetrate, disrupt, defeat or destroy” Al 
Qaeda and other militant groups, as well as to “prepare the 
environment” for future attacks by American or local military forces, the 
document said. The order, however, does not appear to authorize offensive 
strikes in any specific countries.
In broadening its secret activities, the United States military has also 
sought in recent years to break its dependence on the Central Intelligence 
Agency and other spy agencies for information in countries without a 
significant American troop presence.
General Petraeus’s order is meant for small teams of American troops to 
fill intelligence gaps about terror organizations and other threats in the 
Middle East and beyond, especially emerging groups plotting attacks against 
the United States.
But some Pentagon officials worry that the expanded role carries risks. The 
authorized activities could strain relationships with friendly governments 
like Saudi Arabia or Yemen — which might allow the operations but be 
loath to acknowledge their cooperation — or incite the anger of hostile 
nations like Iran and Syria. Many in the military are also concerned that 
as American troops assume roles far from traditional combat, they would be 
at risk of being treated as spies if captured and denied the Geneva 
Convention protections afforded military detainees.
The precise operations that the directive authorizes are unclear, and what 
the military has done to follow through on the order is uncertain. The 
document, a copy of which was viewed by The New York Times, provides few 
details about continuing missions or intelligence-gathering operations.
Several government officials who described the impetus for the order would 
speak only on condition of anonymity because the document is classified. 
Spokesmen for the White House and the Pentagon declined to comment for this 
article. The Times, responding to concerns about troop safety raised by an 
official at United States Central Command, the military headquarters run by 
General Petraeus, withheld some details about how troops could be deployed 
in certain countries.
The seven-page directive appears to authorize specific operations in Iran, 
most likely to gather intelligence about the country’s nuclear program or 
identify dissident groups that might be useful for a future military 
offensive. The Obama administration insists that for the moment, it is 
committed to penalizing Iran for its nuclear activities only with 
diplomatic and economic sanctions. Nevertheless, the Pentagon has to draw 
up detailed war plans to be prepared in advance, in the event that 
President Obama ever authorizes a strike.
“The Defense Department can’t be caught flat-footed,” said one 
Pentagon official with knowledge of General Petraeus’s order.
The directive, the Joint Unconventional Warfare Task Force Execute Order, 
signed Sept. 30, may also have helped lay a foundation for the surge of 
American military activity in Yemen that began three months later.
Special Operations troops began working with Yemen’s military to try to 
dismantle Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, an affiliate of Osama bin 
Laden’s terror network based in Yemen. The Pentagon has also carried out 
missile strikes from Navy ships into suspected militant hideouts and plans 
to spend more than $155 million equipping Yemeni troops with armored 
vehicles, helicopters and small arms.
Officials said that many top commanders, General Petraeus among them, have 
advocated an expansive interpretation of the military’s role around the 
world, arguing that troops need to operate beyond Iraq and Afghanistan to 
better fight militant groups.
The order, which an official said was drafted in close coordination with 
Adm. Eric T. Olson, the officer in charge of the United States Special 
Operations Command, calls for clandestine activities that “cannot or will 
not be accomplished” by conventional military operations or 
“interagency activities,” a reference to American spy agencies.
While the C.I.A. and the Pentagon have often been at odds over expansion of 
clandestine military activity, most recently over intelligence gathering by 
Pentagon contractors in Pakistan and Afghanistan, there does not appear to 
have been a significant dispute over the September order.
A spokesman for the C.I.A. declined to confirm the existence of General 
Petraeus’s order, but said that the spy agency and the Pentagon had a 
“close relationship” and generally coordinate operations in the field.
“There’s more than enough work to go around,” said the spokesman, 
Paul Gimigliano. “The real key is coordination. That typically works 
well, and if problems arise, they get settled.”
During the Bush administration, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld 
endorsed clandestine military operations, arguing that Special Operations 
troops could be as effective as traditional spies, if not more so.
Unlike covert actions undertaken by the C.I.A., such clandestine activity 
does not require the president’s approval or regular reports to Congress, 
although Pentagon officials have said that any significant ventures are 
cleared through the National Security Council. Special Operations troops 
have already been sent into a number of countries to carry out 
reconnaissance missions, including operations to gather intelligence about 
airstrips and bridges.
Some of Mr. Rumsfeld’s initiatives were controversial, and met with 
resistance by some at the State Department and C.I.A. who saw the troops as 
a backdoor attempt by the Pentagon to assert influence outside of war 
zones. In 2004, one of the first groups sent overseas was pulled out of 
Paraguay after killing a pistol-waving robber who had attacked them as they 
stepped out of a taxi.
A Pentagon order that year gave the military authority for offensive 
strikes in more than a dozen countries, and Special Operations troops 
carried them out in Syria, Pakistan and Somalia.
In contrast, General Petraeus’s September order is focused on 
intelligence gathering — by American troops, foreign businesspeople, 
academics or others — to identify militants and provide “persistent 
situational awareness,” while forging ties to local indigenous groups.
Thom Shanker and Eric Schmitt contributed reporting.
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