Classified By: Ambassador Ronald K. McMullen for reason 1.4(d).
1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The Eritrean diaspora is a complex mixture of asylum
seekers who fled during the Liberation War, political outcasts who
were shunned during the country´s formative years, Eritrean youth
(some of whom have never seen Eritrea and others who visit mainly
during the summer), and current-day refugees fleeing an oppressive
regime and increasing poverty levels. Although Eritreans tend to form
tight-knit communities abroad, there are deep internal divides that
reflect the overall nature of the country´s political landscape. While
many ex-fighters believe Eritrea to be a shining example of heroism
and accomplishment, just as many recognize that the country´s growth
has been stunted by ill-conceived Eritrean government (GSE) policies.
Political exiles have either lost credibility by being associated with
Ethiopia or have faded into the background. Refugees wish to flee
indefinite national service or GSE persecution, but are often
unwilling to speak out against the GSE. The youth are the most vocal
group. They dominate discussions on social media networking sites,
they build websites, establish magazines, and form student groups at
universities. While many diaspora youth see themselves as American,
British, German, Australian, and so forth, they also don an "ultra
Eritrean" persona when necessary. Diaspora youth are very protective
of Eritrea and, while they are only in Eritrea for a few weeks at a
time, will vehemently defend the country against criticism. As this is
the case, it is diaspora youth that are the best hope for outreach
efforts geared towards promoting dialogue on Eritrean politics and
society. Whether for or against the GSE, diaspora youth across the
board are ready to speak their minds and should be a top priority when
funding NGOs and programs focused on engaging the diaspora. End
Summary.
DIASPORA BASICS --------------- 2. (SBU) Remittances to Eritrea are
estimated at 11% of the GDP, among one of the highest in Africa.
Diaspora Eritreans are taxed 2% of their income, payable to the
nearest Eritrean embassy or Eritrean community center/bookstore. Post
estimates the GSE receives $7 million USD from tax revenues from the
diaspora in the United States alone. Additionally, the GSE strongly
"encourages" the diaspora to donate even more money through mandatory
community meetings. These extra funds are often promised to go to the
Martyr´s Fund, which is meant to supplement the income and livelihood
of the thousands of crippled ex-fighters who fought for independence.
It is not known to what extent these funds benefit the large
ex-fighter community; however, one look at the squalid conditions of
the Denden camp in Asmara (a disabled veteran housing complex located
on the grounds of the old Kagnew station) suggests that a substantial
sum has been skimmed off the top.
3. (SBU) Eritreans have strong family and community ties and usually
pay the 2% tax and mandatory donations in order to be able to visit,
retain property, and send supplies and money to their families in
Eritrea. Although Post has heard increasing reports of diaspora
members who refuse to pay the 2% tax, documented proof of payment is a
necessity to maintain family and property ties and obtain vital
records from the GSE. For example, the GSE will not honor requests for
birth certificates, copies of marriage certificates, or other vital
documents without proof of the 2% tax payment. For similar reasons,
many Eritreans in the diaspora choose to remain silent rather than
speak out against a government they disapprove of; it is common for
the GSE to arrest or harass family members of outspoken individuals.
ESCAPED THE 30 YEAR WAR -----------------------
4. (SBU) Many Eritreans fled the country during the 30-year Liberation
War and resettled in Europe and America. Even though they left the
country, they regularly sent financial contributions to the cause.
These Eritreans ended up in a variety of occupations overseas:
doctors, professors, taxi drivers, nurses, and other professions.
After the war, some returned to Eritrea to assist with the nation
building process. Professor Asmerom Legesse is a prime example. He
studied in the United States at Harvard University during the war and
returned within days of independence. He continues to live in Asmara
working for the civil society organization he created, Citizens for
Peace in Eritrea (CPE). While he readily admits the GSE policies have
largely inhibited the organization´s work, particularly in attempting
to establish economic self-sufficiency among areas affected by the
Border War, he is nonetheless proud to serve his country.
5. (SBU) Other Eritreans who fled are more skeptical of the
government. Perhaps one of the more telling tales is the area known as
Space 2000 in Asmara, a neighborhood of half-finished houses financed
by the diaspora and intended to be summer homes. During the initial
financing and construction process, the government accused the private
construction companies of corruption, arrested many in the industry,
and left the diaspora with incomplete houses that have remained vacant
for years. This type of chronic letdown has left many expat Eritreans
very skeptical of the current government. Despite this sentiment, they
do not speak out against the government for fear of losing contact
with families.
POLITICAL OUTCASTS ------------------
6. (C) In the first years of Eritrea´s independence, Isaias´ bid to
consolidate power left many ex-fighters and former political leaders
out of the loop, and sometimes imprisoned (reftel). Some of the ones
that successfully fled the country formed opposition groups based in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. While it is difficult to determine how much
influence these groups have among the diaspora, many Eritreans in
country have expressed their thorough distaste for any political group
that comes from Ethiopia. Other political outcasts find themselves
unaffiliated, yet still vilified, such as Dr. Bereket Habte Selassie,
an author, ex-fighter, and former chairman of Eritrea´s Constitutional
Council. Dr. Bereket is often regarded as the primary architect of
Eritrea´s unimplemented constitution, written in 1997, and put on the
shelf since. Most recently, he gave the keynote speech on June 18,
when several hundred Eritreans in D.C. marched on the Eritrean embassy
in protest of GSE policies. Despite Dr. Bereket´s fame as a pillar in
the country´s political formation, the speech went largely unnoticed
in Eritrea, in part because he has already been thoroughly discredited
by GSE media. In 2007, Sofia Tesfamariam (a diaspora Eritrean living
in D.C. who often writes anti-Western articles at the behest of the
GSE) wrote a scathing commentary on Dr. Bereket, labeling him a
"mercenary and an opportunist." This tends to be the fate of most
Eritrean former political heavyweights. They either join a
well-publicized network based in Addis, and thus lose credibility, or
drop out of politics altogether.
REFUGEES --------
7. (C) Today´s refugees flee the country in droves (Ref B). While some
are genuinely persecuted by the GSE (religious dissidents, too
successful in the private sector, close association with foreigners,
etc.), the vast majority simply want to escape poverty, or, in the
case of the young, avoid the grinding labor and poor wages of
interminable national service. A young writer for ELEM (Eritrean
Lifestyle and Entertainment) Magazine recently left Eritrea for a new
life in London. In Eritrea she experienced no direct persecution; she
was only prohibited from achieving her goal of running her own
magazine. She told Poloff her deep disappointment in the GSE´s
restrictive policies that prevent young Eritreans from achieving their
full potential. Her comments are not unique. Many young Eritreans
choose to flee the country in hopes of being something other than a
soldier or a woefully underpaid teacher.
8. (C) Those that are able to escape usually end up in refugee camps
in Sudan, Kenya, South Africa, Libya, Egypt, or throughout Europe.
Once outside the country, the majority do not discuss politics. Many
of those that disagree with the GSE would rather bide their time
silently in the refugee camp than risk being outspoken and having GSE
forces harass or arrest family back in Eritrea. Once resettled,
refugees often congregate in pre-existing Eritrean communities, such
as in London, Stockholm, Washington, D.C., and Oakland, California.
THE YOUTH ---------
9. (C) Eritrean youth in the diaspora are a divided community. For
those that support the GSE, their unwavering dedication likely stems
from their isolation as a minority in another country and from the
ever-present hand of the Young People´s Front for Democracy and
Justice (YPFDJ) to enforce a "proudly Eritrean" identity. The YPFDJ
bills itself as a movement to build "strong, conscious, and patriotic
Eritrean youth." The sub-goal is to strengthen support abroad for the
PFDJ and the GSE. The YPFDJ website, youngpfdj.org, is littered with
editorials aligned with GSE viewpoints, such as "NGOs and the Victim
Industry." Social networking sites abound with YPFDJ groups (37 groups
on Facebook and a newly formed Twitter account as of October).
Although many YPFDJ gatherings are merely cultural exhibitions or
parties, the youth involved are indoctrinated early on in pro-GSE
propaganda, thus further fueling many diaspora youth´s overt
infatuation with Eritrea and vehement defense of the GSE.
10. (C) There are also expat youth who oppose the GSE. Anti-GSE
Eritreans who join the myriad of Eritrean Facebook groups and attempt
to challenge the GSE status quo are immediately put through the
wringer. They are either labeled as traitors, "woyane" (derogatory
term for Ethiopians) in disguise, tools of Western powers, or worse.
As a result, many youth who love their country but oppose the
government remain silent. Despite the condemnation of their peers, the
silent, yet dissatisfied, contingent of expat youth is increasing.
Semere Kesete, the former president of the Asmara University student
union, and several other young expat Eritreans are part of a new wave
of youth diaspora attempting to break the silence. Providing
opportunities for young expats to engage in political dialogue is an
important focus area for diaspora outreach.
ENGAGING THE DIASPORA ---------------------
11. (C) The internet is already awash with reports detailing the
atrocities committed by the GSE. What expat Eritreans, especially the
youth, gravitate towards instead is an interactive platform where they
can propose ideas and discuss solutions. Post recommends three ways
for NGOs applying for DRL or other USG funds to successfully engage
the diaspora and encourage critical analysis of the GSE:
- Focus on non-political groups. Direct engagement with Eritrean
opposition groups, such as the EDA, will likely be dismissed by
moderate diaspora Eritreans as an attempt to overthrow a peaceful
government. Working with non-political groups, such as Eritrean
student associations, will provide credibility and will not
immediately be dismissed as having a political motive.
- Let Eritreans lead the discussion. A panel discussion on religious
freedom in Eritrea should be led by Eritreans and not by outside
analysts. While it is difficult to find Eritreans willing to talk
about these issues, it is well worth the search. A discussion devoid
of Eritreans will, again, be dismissed by the diaspora.
- Give the youth an alternate voice. As of now, the YPFDJ is the
primary outlet for young Eritreans in the diaspora to express pride in
their culture. Currently, there is no non-EDA aligned counter to the
YPFDJ. Encouraging young Eritreans to create their own group and
providing them opportunities to promote Eritrean culture and dialogue
will ultimately increase the space for discussion. McMullen
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Received on Wed Jan 04 2012 - 10:38:45 EST
