THE EEBC DECISION TEN YEARS LATER AND ETHIOPIA'S ILLEGAL OCCUPATION:
DREAM VERSUS REALITY: MELES ZENAWI'S AMBITIONS OF GREATER TIGRAY VIS-
a-VIS ERITREA'S
SOVEREIGNTY
By Dawit Gebremichael Habte
April 13, 2012
Ten years to this day, on April 13, 2002, the Eritrea-Ethiopia
Boundary Commission (EEBC) rendered its "final and binding" decision
and closed the final chapter of the Eritrea-Ethiopian
border conflict once and for all. At least, we assumed so. But, when
one of the parties in the dispute, the minority led Ethiopian
government, is bent in "emasculating" the people it perceived to be
its archenemy, no amount of adjudication will satisfy it from getting
its pound of flesh. Irrespective of its signature on a "final and
binding" arbitration agreement, and irrespective of the decisions
made by the highest court in the land, the Marxist Leninist League of
Tigray is still bent in getting its "trophy" at any cost. And, as
long as that trophy remains to be "the emasculation and containment
of the Eritrean chauvinism", the saga will continue.
The border delimitation and demarcation decision rendered by the EEBC
was clear and unambiguous, especially when it comes to "Badme and its
environs", as the Ethiopian government used to call half of the
Western part of Eritrea. Some of the key provisions in the "Decision
regarding delimitation of the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia"
include:
"5.91 The Commission has examined the major elements in the course of
events since 1935: the Italian invasion of Ethiopia; the outbreak of
the Second World War; the British military occupation of Eritrea; the
post-war developments including the treatment of the political future
of Eritrea; the creation of the federation between Ethiopia and
Eritrea; and the eventual termination of that federation. However,
the Commission can perceive nothing in that chain of developments
that has had the effect of altering the boundary between the Parties.
The boundary of 1935 remains the boundary of today."
"5.94 ... One item dating from 1970 refers to the destruction of
incense trees. There is some evidence of policing activities in the
Badme Wereda in 1972-1973 and of the evaluation of an elementary
school at Badme town. There are, in addition, a few items dating from
1991 and 1994."
"5.95 These references represent the bulk of the items adduced by
Ethiopia in support of its claim to have exercised administrative
authority west of the Eritrean claim line. The Commission does not
find in them evidence of administration of the area sufficiently
clear in location, substantial in scope or extensive in time to
displace the title of Eritrea that had crystallized as of 1935."
http://www.pca-cpa.org/showfile.asp?fil_id=603
One cannot blame Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the
minority led government of Ethiopia for dreaming big. But, one can
blame the regime in the helm of power in Ethiopia when the
realization of its dream requires the destruction and outright
annihilation of a group of people whose only crime is their
geographical co-location. Geographically, the people of Eritrea
happened to be located in a place where it is impossible to realize
the Marxist Leninist League of Tigray's grandiose dream of Greater
Trigray. When it comes to Eritrea's independence, Meles Zenawi and
his cliques had made their views crystal clear without leaving any
doubt. During his interview with his mentor Paul Henze, in the
presence of Berhane Gebre Christos, Seyoum Mesfin, and Assefa Mamo
(top leaders of the Marxist Leninist League of Tigray), Meles Zenawi
stated that:
"We look at [Eritrea's independence] from the viewpoints of the
interests of Tigray first, and then Ethiopia as a whole. We would
like to see Eritrea continuing to have a relationship with Ethiopia.
We know that Tigray needs access to the sea, and the only way is
through Eritrea. Whether Eritrea is part of Ethiopia or independent,
we need this access..."
http://addisvoice.com/2011/06/paul-henzes-
coversations-with-meles-zenawi/
During the same interview, Meles Zenawi continued to foretell and re-
affirm his dream to his intellectual counselor by saying:
"We are worried about Eritrea because we are not sure that
differences among different groups can be kept under control.
Everything could be destroyed there if people begin fighting each
other. When the EPLF takes over Asmara, they will have a difficult
burrito, because they have to keep the people together."
When asked whether he would "expect the EPLF to participate in a
provisional government in Addis Abeba", Melese Zenawi's response was:
"We endorse their proposal for a referendum because we don't think
there is any other solution for the situation that has developed. But
we really hope that Eritrea can remain part of a federated Ethiopia."
Keeping the aforementioned statements in mind, no logical person, and
especially an Eritrean, would be surprised with the events that took
place not long after Eritrea's formal independence:
1. Ethiopia inclusion of a chunk of Eritrea's land in its
map drawn on its currency,
2. Ethiopia's declaration of war immediately after Eritrea
issued its own currency,
3. Ethiopia's invasion of Eritrean land beyond the
"disputed" territory,
4. Ethiopia's claim to almost half of the Western part of
Eritrea during the border arbitration proceedings, and
5. Ethiopia's outright rejection, partially accepting,
requesting "clarifications", and finally "fully accepting" but
requiring "negotiations on the implementation" of the "final and
binding" border delimitation decision.
Thanks to the perseverance, dedication, and zeal of the Eritrean
people the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia is fully delimited and
demarcated on paper. What is left is for the "border delimitation and
demarcation" to take place in the minds (and hopefully hearts) of the
minority led government of Ethiopia and its elites. For Eritreans,
they will defend what is theirs to any eventuality. What else can
they do when they are being threatened with extinction?
Dawit Gebremichael Habte
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Received on Fri Apr 13 2012 - 19:06:32 EDT
