From: Berhane Habtemariam (Berhane.Habtemariam@gmx.de)
Date: Thu Sep 03 2009 - 17:26:24 EDT
Analysis: Who is fighting whom in Somalia
NAIROBI, 3 September 2009 (IRIN) - Somalia has experienced conflict since
1991 when the late President Mohamed Siad Barre's government was overthrown
by opposition forces. Up to 2006, the fighting was largely between
clan-based warlords clashing over territory and resources. In the process,
one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world was created.
In 2006, Islamic groups in Mogadishu fought fierce battles against a
combined force of the warlords and defeated them. The groups, known as the
Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), initially enjoyed considerable civilian and
business support from a community fed up with insecurity in areas controlled
by the warlords, including the capital.
The UIC ranks contained both radical elements, in the form of Al-Shabab, and
moderate members, but the radicals were a small minority. From June-December
2006, it brought unprecedented calm to Mogadishu and other areas of south
and central Somalia.
In December 2006, Ethiopian forces, with backing from the United States -
which regarded the UIC as a terrorist organisation - entered Somalia and
installed the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu, where it
had hardly made its presence felt since coming into being in 2004 after two
years of talks in Kenya.
Subsequently, fierce fighting continued between UIC remnants, including
Al-Shabab and their supporters, and the combined forces of Ethiopia and the
TFG. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were forced to flee their homes.
In December 2008, the Ethiopians withdrew from Somalia, leaving a small
African Union (AMISOM) force to defend the government.
In January 2009, a peace deal signed in Djibouti between the UN-backed TFG
and a faction of the opposition, the Alliance for the Re-liberation of
Somalia (ARS) saw the creation of a parliament which elected
<http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=82900> Sheikh Sharif Sheikh
Ahmed as president of the TFG. The former UIC chairman was considered by
many as a moderate Islamist.
Many Somalis hoped Ahmed's election and the departure of Ethiopian troops
would end the violence and launch a new era of peace in the country. They
were wrong.
Ahmed's government was opposed by a breakaway group from his own ARS, led by
his former ally Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys. Aweys, who was based in Asmara,
Eritrea, returned to Somalia and set up Hisbul-Islam (Party of Islam).
The Djibouti peace deal was also opposed by Al-Shabab, which had long split
from the main UIC.
Whereas previous struggles for power in Somalia were fought along the lines
of the country's complex clan system, the current conflict is, ostensibly at
least, a war between groups with different interpretations of Islam.
The protagonists
TFG forces comprise fighters who used to serve various warlords, former
members of the UIC, clan militia and Ethiopian-trained forces. These
disparate groups have weak central command and control, despite the
government's efforts, so are rarely able to carry out a coordinated attack.
There have been incidents of fighting between the different units.
The main threat to the TFG is posed by Al-Shabab. It is on a US terror list
and is accused of having links with Al-Qaeda. The group controls much of
southern and central Somalia, including parts of Mogadishu. Al-Shabab is
reportedly led by a shadowy figure who goes by the name of Abu Zubeyr. His
real name, according to Somali sources, is Ahmed Godane and he is originally
from secessionist Somaliland. His main contact is through taped messages
given to Somali radio stations. The group's professed aim is to spread Islam
across the globe.
The movement has been accused of kidnapping, assassinating government
officials and journalists, and other criminal activity.
While a keynote of Al-Shabab's official rhetoric is that clan affiliation
and geographic origin should play no part in governance, and that any Somali
should be able to serve as "amir", or leader, in any part of the country,
this policy does not appear to be followed in central Somalia, where only
locals are appointed amirs.
Al-Shabab views President Ahmed as a traitor to the Islamic cause and has
described him and his government as "Murtadiin" (apostates). It believes in
the strict application of Sharia law.
Like Al-Shabab, Hisbul-Islam is also fighting the TFG but is not known to
engage in kidnapping and assassinations. It also differs in outlook.
Hisbul-Islam is inward-looking and concerned with local rather than
international issues, according to Somali analysts. Aweys, its leader,
considers the Djibouti peace deal a betrayal. The group is reportedly
supported by Eritrea, a charge Eritrea consistently denies.
Hisbul-Islam insists it will stop fighting if all "foreign forces" leave
Somalia, including AMISOM troops (see below).
Ahlu Sunna Waljama is a Sufi sect, regarded as more moderate in its
interpretation of Islam than Al-Shabab. It joined the fighting in late
December 2008, dislodging Al-Shabab from the towns of Guri-Eil and Dusamareb
in Galgadud region. It now controls all of Galgadud in central Somalia.
Ahlu Sunna Waljama has two branches. The first was formed by Sufi clerics
and enjoys support from Ethiopia. This branch is mainly concentrated in
central regions. The other is led by former warlords, who apparently are
using the name to reinvent themselves. This group is mainly in the south
around Gedo, Bay and Bakol regions. They have some links to the TFG.
African forces
AMISOM, staffed mainly by troops from Uganda and Burundi, has been in the
country since 2007. In the past the force was confined to protecting the
president and prime minister and vital infrastructure, such as the airport
and port. In recent months its troops have been drawn into the fighting as
insurgents targeted them. Somalis have accused the force of indiscriminate
shelling when responding to attacks, a charge they deny.
The 5,000 or so AMISOM troops, supported by the US and UN, are concentrated
in Mogadishu.
Ethiopian troops
In January 2009, Ethiopia said it had completed the withdrawal of its
forces from Somalia. Since then there have been reports, denied by the
Ethiopians, of Ethiopian troops in parts of central Somalia. Local sources
in Beletweyne town told IRIN Ethiopian forces entered the town on 28 August
and are still there.
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