From: Biniam Tekle (biniamt@dehai.org)
Date: Thu Jul 08 2010 - 15:34:49 EDT
http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2010/07/201078183832601277.html
UPDATED ON:
Thursday, July 08, 2010
22:07 Mecca time, 19:07 GMT
The upshot of political subjugation
*By Abukar Arman *
If I could think of any tactfully discreet and diplomatically clear way to
describe the outcome of the 15th Extraordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly
of Heads of State and Government on Somalia without compromising the essence
of my message, I would have simply chosen that approach. Therefore, going
crude is the appropriate way:
As a patched up political charade destined to embolden the very extremist
elements that it is intended to subdue and push Somalia deep into anarchy
and destruction, the resolution passed in that session is haphazardly
imprudent and wildly dangerous.
IGAD (the Intergovernmental Authority on Development) was right in
describing Somalia's still-raging political fire as a situation likely to
pose a serious threat to the stability of the region and perhaps beyond.
However, IGAD is wrong in hastefully approving to send troops from the
"frontline states" to Somalia despite the fact that UN Resolution 1725 bans
the deployment of any troops from bordering states. IGAD is planning to
immediately send 2,000 troops and possibly add another 15,000 at a later
date.
This, needless to say, means that Ethiopian troops would inevitably be part
and parcel of the first contingent, the latter, or all. After all, in the
Horn of Africa, in terms of military might, experience, and political clout,
Ethiopia holds unmistakable distinction that could even guarantee her the
African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) command.
Already, in an action item that is bound to undermine the credibility of
AMISOM and confuse its command centre, IGAD directed its secretariat to open
an office in Mogadishu within 15 days. The purpose of this office is
described as "[to] enable AMISOM and IGAD [to] establish in Mogadishu an
operational level coordination mechanism to strengthen and harmonise their
support to the Transitional Federal Government [TFG] in the areas of
training, establishment of command and control structure".
*Questionable timing*
**
Evidently, this swift move comes at a time when in the US consensus
favouring a policy toward Somalia that is based on constructive engagement
instead of the "constructive disengagement" that was being pushed by some
analysts is gaining momentum. Unlike the failed policy of the previous
administration that was entirely based on counter-terrorism and military
power, the soon to be announced policy of the current administration is
expected to rely on soft power and building relationships.
More strangely, the IGAD move comes at a time when the TFG has successfully
expanded the areas that it controls in Mogadishu, and the Somali diaspora is
vigorously pushing the TFG toward dialogue and reconciliation.
The timing does indeed raise certain questions, if not suspicions.
The wounds from the brutal two year Ethiopian occupation that killed over
20,000 Somalis and gave al-Shabab its current status are still nightmarishly
fresh.
Mind you, the current TFG is a coalition government made up of those who
ushered in Ethiopia and those who resisted the occupation. However, it is no
secret that this coalition is already hanging from a cliff as a number of
cabinet members representing the Islamist side have been killed, sacked or
pressured out since the Djibouti agreement.
The scale is clearly lopsided as individual ministers regardless of their
competence and productivity were unabashedly replaced in the recent
controversial TFG reshuffle while other questionable characters are awarded
key positions. And as the argument goes: two decades later, Ethiopia still
micromanages Somalia's internal political affairs as became apparent in the
TFG agreement with the ever-morphing Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah.
Understandably Ethiopia has certain security concerns; and these concerns
should be addressed through the appropriate channels. It is in the best
interest of Somalia to forge a peace treaty reflecting national and regional
security threats and the future economic opportunities with Ethiopia and
other neighbours. However, Somalia should allow no foreign entities - states
or non-states - to exploit its weak position and dictate their political
wish-list to it or infringe its sovereignty.
*Self-respect*
In fairness however, Ethiopia is not the only potential impediment to
sustaining the Djibouti agreement and paving the way for lasting peace and
reconciliation. Bloody-handed Somalis still continue to position against one
another for zero-sum gains.
At the end of the day, it is the Somalis who would have to learn at this
time of great adversity to make peace with one another, and make space for
one another.
So, internally, it is time to raise the bar, though nothing of significance
could happen until our human capacity and attitudes are profoundly improved;
and that may not happen until something extraordinary that would compel the
Somali diaspora to reconnect with its homeland emerges.
Meanwhile, as a profoundly brain-drained nation, Somalia is still struggling
to learn that nations, just like individuals, are treated in ways that are
equal to the self-respect that they demonstrate. And, so long as those who
grab power (or are entrusted with it) continue to fall over each other into
the very condition that ultimately humiliates their persons and subjugates
their country, business will continue as usual.
Finally, though arming one faction against another might create a temporary
advantage to one group or another, it does not produce a viable long-term
security and lasting peace. Therefore, continued exploitation and indeed
subjugation of Somalia can only prolong the bloodshed and misery. And under
such conditions, neither Somalia, nor the region, nor the community of
nations that rely economically on the Indian Ocean and Red Sea could benefit
in the long run.
*Abukar Arman is Somalia's special envoy to the US.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.*
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