From: wolda002@umn.edu
Date: Fri Jul 09 2010 - 02:43:23 EDT
Asian influence in the Middle East -- friend or foe?
Posted By Geoffrey Kemp Wednesday, July 7, 2010 - 3:50 PM Share
The United States has become accustomed to its hegemonic military presence
in the greater Middle East. The U.S.-led international coalition against
Iraq after its invasion of Kuwait in August, 1990 led to a massive increase
in America's direct military presence in the Gulf. Its military presence
accelerated after the 9/11 attacks and the subsequent wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq. Today, U.S. forces are deployed all the way from the Sinai desert
through the Arabian Peninsula, Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean,
as well as Afghanistan. While the U.S. has come to take its unchallenged
military primacy in the Middle East for granted, key Asian countries --
especially India, China, Japan and South Korea -- have also increased their
Middle East presence. The U.S. shouldn't view this as a threat but rather
an opportunity for greater cooperation on a wide spectrum of growing
security concerns.
The signs of Asia's push into the Gulf can be seen everywhere. All around
the Arabian Gulf, hotels, banks, schools, and shopping centers are managed
by Asian expatriate workers, who also provide most of the region's manual
labor. Without Asian labor, the oil-rich economies of the Gulf would
collapse. Many of the vast construction projects in Doha, Abu Dhabi, Dubai
and other city-states are supervised by South Korean companies. Most of the
automobiles and trucks on the street are Japanese or Korean. The endless
procession of tankers that sail from the huge ports of the Gulf carrying
oil and liquefied natural gas is destined increasingly for the Asian
market. Infrastructure projects, including new roads, railways, seaports,
airports, gas and oil pipelines, and undersea communication lines, are
expanding in both the Middle East and Central Asia, making access between
the two regions easier and cheaper. These trends suggest that, absent a
protracted global recession, the Asian presence in the Middle East will
continue to grow significantly over the coming decade.
Over the next 30 years, the economies of India and China are expected to
surpass that of the United States in size (although as a result of
population growth, their per capita GDP will remain relatively low), giving
their governments increased regional and global clout. As India and China
grow, Japan will be left behind. Nonetheless, Japan is likely to remain a
key Asian power, given its close ties to the United States. Moreover,
Japan's energy needs will keep it tied to the Gulf. Similarly, South Korea,
while smaller than Japan, is already deeply engaged in the Middle East,
especially in the energy sphere. Lacking domestic oil reserves, South Korea
is the world's fifth-largest importer of oil and the eleventh-largest
importer of liquefied natural gas. In addition, South Korean construction
companies have been hired to build oil refineries, petrochemical plants,
offices, and infrastructure across the Middle East.
India is an under-appreciated player in this new Asian Middle East. The
Indian subcontinent has had close commercial ties with the Gulf for
centuries, and India today has managed to cultivate good working
relationships with all the countries in the Middle East, including Israel.
While economic interests have provided the basis for many of those
relationships, India has also taken on a modest military role. The Indian
government has participated in Middle East peacekeeping operations since
1956. In addition, India has been increasing its bilateral military ties
with all of the small countries in the Gulf. India is likely to establish a
stronger, more assertive presence in the Gulf over the coming decades.
It is China, of course, which gets most of the attention. For a short
period in the fifteenth century, China was the dominant power in the Indian
Ocean, but over the centuries that followed, it had little to do with the
Middle East. After the Communist Revolution in 1949, China tried to
cultivate close relationships with revolutionary groups in the Arab world,
but its efforts were violently opposed by Arab nationalists. In the wake of
the Sino-Soviet split and China's eventual rapprochement with the United
States in 1972, China changed course and sought instead to establish
cordial relations with Middle Eastern governments. In particular, it became
more directly involved in the geopolitics of the region through arms sales,
notably to Saudi Arabia, Iran and Iraq, during the 1980s. More recently
China has followed India's example by becoming engaged in Mideast
peacekeeping. China's participation in United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon (UNIFIL) began officially on April 9, 2006.
Considerable uncertainty remains regarding China's future presence in the
region, particularly in the military arena. China is a long way from the
Gulf, but if its permanent maritime reach eventually expands into the
Indian Ocean and its overland reach grows through Central Asia and
Pakistan, it, too, could become a major strategic player in the Middle
East. The attention paid to China's voice in the debate over sanctions on
Iran offers a stark contrast to its limited role in the debate over
sanctions on Iraq in the 1990s.
It is easy to see the growing doubts about how long the United States can
sustain its presence in the region and remain the policeman of the Gulf and
the Indian Ocean. Two wars have drained American resources. The financial
crisis also diminished U.S. prestige by calling into question the validity
of its economic model, which had been eagerly pursued on the Arabian
Peninsula, the richest part of the Middle East. If all these factors
coalesced to bring about a slow U.S. retreat from the region, would any
Asian powers fill the vacuum?
On this point, there is no consensus. Some acknowledge the importance of
Asia's economic and cultural expansion into the Middle East but argue that
domestic factors in India and China will limit their ability to play the
role now held by the United States. Others maintain that, to the contrary,
China is likely to take a more aggressive approach to the Middle East and
develop close relationships with countries like Syria and Iran. Still
others focus on the growing relationship between India and the United
States, arguing that it may serve to counterbalance Chinese ambitions. The
new dynamics must take into account not only growing ideological challenges
to the West, but also the reemergence of more traditional balance-of-power
politics as the Asian nations become world players and the sense that
Americans may eventually grow tired of protecting the assets of "free
loaders."
In many ways an increased growing Asian presence in the Middle East will
bring a breath of fresh air to a region left with the bitter historic
legacies of European dominance and characterized by contemporary antagonism
toward the hegemonic role of the United States. The major Asian players in
the Middle East have not been colonizers or occupiers and they have far
less of an emotional stake in the Arab-Israeli conflict. On the one hand,
that means that they approach political issues and unresolved conflicts
with what some would argue is a cynical, laissez-faire attitude, perhaps
exemplified by China's initial indifference to human rights abuses in
Sudan. However, the upside is that the Asians do not interfere directly in
Middle East politics and therefore enjoy good relations with most states.
How long they can sustain their hands-off approach is questionable if, by
virtue of their economic dominance and their own strategic stakes in the
region, they get drawn into the messiness of Middle East politics at a time
when the United States becomes disillusioned by the burdens of hegemony.
In the meantime, it is very much in the interests of both the U.S. and the
Asian countries to reach common agreements on the importance of preventing
further conflict in the region and jointly assuring the security of the
increased maritime traffic across the Indian Ocean. Cooperation on meeting
the piracy challenge off the coast of Somalia is an early test of this new
strategic reality.
Geoffrey Kemp is the Director of Regional Strategic Programs at the Nixon
Center. This article summarizes some of the key themes in his latest book
The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia's Growing Presence in the
Middle East (Brookings Institution Press 2010).
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