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From: Tsegai Emmanuel (emmanuelt40@gmail.com)
Date: Sat Sep 04 2010 - 17:07:05 EDT
*S. 3757 Full Text: Support for Democracy and Human Rights in Ethiopia Act
of 2010*
Senator Russ Fiengold of Wisconsin and Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont
introduced a bill in the United States senate to support democracy and human
rights in Ethiopia. Both senators are known as champions of human rights
around the world and were supporters of previous similar bills in support of
human rights in Ethiopia.
Senator Fiengold is the chairman of the Subcommittee on African Affairs in
the US Senate. The Subcommittee has 9 members, with 5 Democrats and 4
Republicans.
The following is the full text of the Bill.
*111th CONGRESS
2d Session
S. 3757*
To reaffirm United States objectives in Ethiopia and encourage critical
democratic and humanitarian principles and practices, and for other
purposes.
*IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
August 5, 2010*
Mr. FEINGOLD (for himself and Mr. LEAHY) introduced the following bill;
which was read twice and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations
*A BILL*
To reaffirm United States objectives in Ethiopia and encourage critical
democratic and humanitarian principles and practices, and for other
purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled,
*SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.*
This Act may be cited as the `Support for Democracy and Human Rights in
Ethiopia Act of 2010'.
*SEC. 2. FINDINGS.*
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) Despite progress and an estimated annual growth rate of nearly 10
percent, Ethiopia remains one of the poorest and most hunger-prone countries
in the world, with more than half of the population of 78,000,000 living on
less than $1 per day.
(2) Since the collapse of the Derg and overthrow of the Mengistu regime in
1991, the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front-led government
has overseen the introduction of a multiparty system and the adoption of a
new constitution that guarantees economic, social, and cultural rights and
states that `human and democratic rights of peoples and citizens shall be
protected.'
(3) Ethiopia and Eritrea fought a bloody border war between 1998 and 2000,
and, despite the Algiers Accord ending the conflict and the agreement to
abide by the final and binding Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC)
arbitration, the Government of Ethiopia has refused to comply with the final
physical demarcation of the border and the Government of Eritrea has
expelled the United Nations peacekeeping force, causing regional instability
and keeping alive the possibility of a renewed border war.
(4) According to the March 2010 report by the United Nations Monitoring
Group on Somalia, `Since the cessation of hostilities between the [Ethiopia
and Eritrea] in 2000, Asmara has sought to counter Ethiopian influence in
the region and supported armed groups within Ethiopia who oppose the current
government. Since 2006, and possibly earlier, Eritrea has supported
opposition to the Transitional Federal Government, which it perceives as a
proxy for the Government of Ethiopia.'
(5) Sporadic fighting has continued between Ethiopian National Defense
Forces (ENDF) and armed opposition Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)
in the Somali Region of Ethiopia. Stringent restrictions continue to be
placed on media and aid workers, making it difficult for independent
observers and aid workers to monitor or respond to the humanitarian and
human rights situation, including the behavior of the Ethiopian National
Defense Forces, allied militia forces, and the Ogaden National Liberation
Front.
(6) Credible sources indicate there are ongoing and serious human rights
abuses against civilians in the Somali Region, including arbitrary arrests
and detentions by military, police and paramilitary forces; allegations of
torture in military and police custody, including sexual violence against
women and girls; and diversion of food aid intended for civilian
communities.
(7) In the run up to the 2010 elections, the Ethiopian Parliament passed a
number of new laws, including the Charities and Societies Proclamation and
the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, which severely restrict freedom of
expression, freedom of association, peaceful assembly, and the right to a
fair trial, while broadening the definition of terrorism.
(8) The Department of State's 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
states that `although the constitution and law prohibit the use of torture
and mistreatment . . . [o]pposition political party leaders reported
frequent and systematic abuse and intimidation of their supporters by police
and regional militias' and that `opposition UDJ party president Birtukan
Mideksa, whose pardon was revoked and life sentence reinstate in December
2008, remain in prison throughout the year. She was held in solitary
confinement . . . despite a court ruling that indicate it was a violation of
her constitutional rights'.
(9) In its 2010 Freedom in the World report, Freedom House noted that, in
the run up to elections, Ethiopia saw a `narrowing of political activity . .
.' and that `the government cracked down on operations of nongovernmental
organizations and . . . a series of arrests of opposition figures'.
(10) The European Union Election Observer Mission noted in its preliminary
statement on the May 23, 2010 elections, `The National Electoral Board of
Ethiopia administered the electoral process in an efficient and competent
manner, but failed to dispel opposition parties' lack of trust in its
independence. While several positive improvements have been introduced, the
electoral process fell short of certain international commitments, notably
regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of a level playing
field for all contesting parties.'
(11) In testimony before the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson stated that `[w]hile
the [Ethiopian] elections were calm and peaceful and largely without any
kind of violence we note with some degree of remorse that the elections
there were not up to international standards,' and that `[i]t is important
that Ethiopia move forward in strengthening its democratic institutions and
when elections are held that it level the playing field to give everyone a
free opportunity to participate without fear or favor'.
(12) On May 25th, 2010, the National Security Council's spokesman Mike
Hammer, released a statement which noted with concern that `The limitation
of independent observation and the harassment of independent media
representatives [in Ethiopia] are deeply troubling . . . [and that an]
environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place even
before Election Day.' The statement also noted that `[i]n recent years, the
Ethiopian government has taken steps to restrict political space for the
opposition through intimidation and harassment, tighten its control over
civil society, and curtail the activities of independent media. We are
concerned that these actions have restricted freedom of expression and
association and are inconsistent with the Ethiopian government's human
rights obligations.'
*SEC. 3. STATEMENT OF POLICY.*
It is the policy of the United States--
(1) to support and encourage efforts by the people and Government of
Ethiopia--
(A) to achieve a participatory multiparty democracy, an active and
unhindered civil society, rule of law and accountability, judicial capacity
and independence, freedom of the press, respect for human rights, and
economic development; and
(B) to develop a comprehensive strategy to combat extremism and terrorism in
a manner consistent with international law;
(2) to promote peace and stability, equal access to humanitarian assistance
regardless of gender, ethnicity, religion, or political views, and good
governance, transparency, and accountability;
(3) to seek the unconditional release of all political prisoners and
prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia, and the repeal of laws that enable
politically motivated arrests without due process;
(4) to prohibit funding to any unit of the Ethiopian security forces if the
Secretary of State has credible information that such unit has committed a
gross violation of human rights, unless the Secretary certifies to the
appropriate congressional committees that the Government of Ethiopia is
taking effective measures to bring the responsible members of the security
forces unit to justice; and
(5) to seek a resolution of the ongoing dispute between the Government of
Ethiopia and the Government of Eritrea consistent with the Ethiopia-Eritrea
Border Commission arbitration decisions on border demarcation, to press the
Government of Eritrea to cease all support for armed opposition groups in
Ethiopia and the region, and to urge both Governments to contribute
constructively to stability throughout the Horn of Africa, especially in
Somalia.
*SEC. 4. SENSE OF CONGRESS.*
It is the sense of Congress that the United States Government should--
(1) build on successful diplomatic efforts that contributed to the October
2007 release of political prisoners in Addis Ababa, and press the Ethiopian
government to release Birtukan Mideksa, as well as other political
prisoners;
(2) urge the Government of Ethiopia to repeal or at a minimum amend the
Civil Society Proclamation, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, and the Mass
Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation in order to genuinely protect
the constitutional rights and freedoms of all Ethiopian citizens;
(3) press the Government of Ethiopia to allow human rights and humanitarian
groups, as well as the media, to have unfettered access to areas of concern
throughout the country;
(4) encourage and assist the United Nations and other independent
organizations and the media to investigate credible reports of gross
violations of human rights or international humanitarian law in the Somali
region of Ethiopia, to publish any information of serious abuse, and send
consistent messages to the Government of Ethiopia that the continuation of
such violations or impunity in this region, or Ethiopia more generally, has
consequences for relations between the United States and Ethiopia; and
(5) encourage the Governments of both Ethiopia and Eritrea to immediately
take steps to lessen tensions, physically demarcate the border in accord
with the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission decision, and promote
normalization of relations between the two countries.
*SEC. 5. RESTRICTIONS ON ASSISTANCE.*
(a) Conditions-
(1) PROHIBITION OF FUNDS- Notwithstanding any other provision of law,
assistance may not be provided to the Government of Ethiopia unless the
Secretary of State certifies annually that the Government of Ethiopia has
taken demonstrable steps--
(A) to ensure the autonomy and fundamental freedoms of civil society
organizations to pursue work on civic education, democratization, good
governance, accountability, human rights, and conflict resolution, without
excessive government intervention or intimidation;
(B) to respect the rights of and permit non-violent political parties to
operate free from intimidation and harassment, including releasing
opposition political leaders currently imprisoned;
(C) to strengthen the independence of its judiciary, including developing
the capacity of the judiciary at the national, regional, and local levels;
(D) to allow Voice of America and other independent media to operate and
broadcast without interference in Ethiopia;
(E) to promote respect for human rights and accountability within its
security forces, including undertaking credible investigations into any
allegations of abuse and ensuring appropriate punishment; and
(F) to ensure that humanitarian and development entities, including those of
the United Nations, have unfettered access to all regions of the country
without prejudice to the political views of recipients.
(2) WAIVER- The prohibition included in paragraph (1) shall not apply if the
Secretary of State certifies in writing to Congress that waiving such a
prohibition is in the national security interest of the United States.
(b) Exceptions- The prohibitions in paragraph (1) shall not apply to--
(1) health and HIV/AIDS assistance;
(2) humanitarian assistance; or
(3) emergency food aid.
(c) Report- Not later than 120 days after exercising a waiver pursuant to
subsection (a)(2), and every 90 days thereafter, the Secretary of State
shall submit a report to the appropriate congressional committees assessing
progress made by the Government of Ethiopia in the areas set forth in
subparagraphs (A) through (F) of subsection (a)(2).
*SEC. 6. DEFINITIONS.*
In this Act the term `appropriate congressional committees' means--
(1) the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Appropriations
of the Senate; and
(2) the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Appropriations of
the House of Representatives.
*END*
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[image: msg] Comment from: kurba [Visitor]
I don't think the americans have genuine commitments to intoduce democracy
into ethiopia.Don't waste our energy better to align ourselves in one
unified party and struggle against woyanne regime.
[image: Permalink]Permalink<http://nazret.com/blog/index.php?title=s_3757_full_text_support_for_democracy_a_2010&more=1&c=1&tb=1&pb=1#c342533>08/29/10
@ 01:16
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[image: msg] Comment from: Gezaee H. [Visitor]
This is very crap. Why they themslves do not get out of Irqi and Afganistan?
I hate Meles, but I honeslty I can not swallow this. Fuck off,. USA has no
any right on Ehiopia. They must fuck off.
If they have the means, why they do not go to Somalia and Sudan to respect
human righht. Fuck of liers, hypocrats
[image: Permalink]Permalink<http://nazret.com/blog/index.php?title=s_3757_full_text_support_for_democracy_a_2010&more=1&c=1&tb=1&pb=1#c342534>08/29/10
@ 01:42
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conditions
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[image: msg] Comment from: Gezaee H. [Visitor]
This is very crap. Why they themslves do not get out of Irqi and Afganistan?
I hate Meles, but I honeslty I can not swallow this. Fuck off,. USA has no
any right on Ehiopia. They must fuck off.
If they have the means, why they do not go to Somalia and Sudan to respect
human righht. Fuck of liers, hypocrats. We know now how the whole world
works. We know even the top secret and the 10 commandments of America. They
must leave alone my country and my people. They must deal with thier own
problems first. 60 million Americans have no access to basic and primary
healhty care, Americans have no access to education. There are about 1000
refugee camps of indigeous residences. There is too much racism in thier own
country. They must clean their own houses before. America is not a roll
model to teach democracy. They can cook and eat thier own democracy. We need
a system that works for us. We are not Americans. American values and
Ethiopian values are completely differnt.
Americans are crazy, they do not knw what they do. If they knew they wound
not stuck themselves in andless and worhtles war in Afganistan and Irawis.
Leave alone to protect Ethopians, they annot protect ther own citizens. If
they could , they would not get bombed by their own plane by Bin Laden. If
they could , why they subject thieer own citizens to die in Afranistan and
Iraq fo a uselss war?
Why they do not go to Somalia, there has never been governmnet for the past
20 years? Hypocrat, no matter how much we hate the govenment we have at
home, we have a govennet that does not work its own people. But that does
not mean we are going to sell our country because Meles selling it.
Americans, clean your house fist. We love the Ameerican people but we want
them to leave our country. Do not even give us aid. Let us die of even
hunger and change must come. We cannot afford to sell our dignity for food
aid. Better die with my Ethiopiannesss than to be tol what to do by clueless
Aemricans.
God bless my country. Everything will pass one day.
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