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From: YPFDJ Media & Information (media@youngpfdj.com)
Date: Mon Sep 05 2011 - 21:33:14 EDT
Half a century has elapsed since the beginning of the armed
struggle of the Eritrean people for the right of self-determination and
liberation on September 1st, 1961.
In human history, time is
numerically measured by the normative and conventional yardstick of
years, centuries etc.. In other words, time is standardized in a
notional sense. But in a more profound sense, what is relevant is not
its sheer physical dimension in terms of the years elapsed, but the
specific human activities, experiences, changes and developments that
transpire in the given interval of time as a result of willful human
action. In other words, what is relevant is not the duration of the time
elapsed but the particular impact or footprint that time leaves behind.
Equivalent time intervals in history may thus produce fundamentally
distinct and incongruous outcomes. In this vein, the past fifty years
have been years of epic struggle and progress and, to that extent,
unique in the annals of the history of the Eritrean people. And as we
commemorate half a century of the beginning of the armed struggle - to
be more precise, 70 years since the beginning of the political struggle
- we need to go beyond reminiscences and celebrations to appraise, in a
profound manner, its historical significance and import.
Seventy
years is not a short time even by the standards of the history of
nations. The transformations that transpired are not minor too.
Internally, this period spans three generations who had to grapple with
three critical phases: peaceful political struggle; armed political
struggle; and, post-independence nation-building. Externally, the period
covers British colonial administration; the federal arrangement with
Ethiopia; Ethiopian colonial rule that was alternately propped up by the
huge support that both super powers - the United States and the Soviet
Union - lent to the successive imperial and military colonial regimes.
It also includes the war of aggression and hostilities that were
perpetrated against Eritrea after independence.
The historical
significance of the last seventy years can perhaps be better measured
through a comparison with the events of the preceding seventy years. In
the first period, Eritrean history was largely shaped by its colonial
master as the Eritrean people came under the yoke of Italian colonial
rule deprived of their basic national rights and dignity. But the second
period was different in many respects. True, colonial rule was not
uprooted at the end of first period as it continued in altered forms.
But this was precisely the time when the Eritrean people rose in unison
to determine their own destiny and for national liberation through
heroic struggles against colonialism and imperialism. This was the
period in which the Eritrean people triumphed over their adversaries to
achieve national independence. This was the period in which the Eritrean
people metamorphosed from an object of history into a subject of
history; into owners and makers of their history through their own
conscious and willful endeavours. The key historical significance of the
last seventy years lies, in short, in this monumental transcendence of
the Eritrean people - from raw materials of history to makers of
history.
To appraise the historical significance, importance and
experience gleaned in the struggle for national liberation struggle and
nation-building conducted for seventy odd years is an immense task that
is beyond the scope and objectives of this statement. Accordingly, we
shall only underline the importance of the task here while focusing, at
this propitious occasion of the commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of
the launching of national liberation struggle of the Eritrean people, on
some crucial and fundamental historical aspects and lessons that merit
profound attention and emphasis.
* The history of the Eritrean
revolution underscores that a conscious and organized people who rise up
in arms to defend their inalienable rights and who believe in a just
cause will never be vanquished by, and will ultimately triumph over, a
huge force of colonialism and oppression abetted by global powers. This
is irrespective of their small size and meager resources. However, as it
is usually the case with all human history, this astounding achievement
was not always smooth but replete with ups and downs, intricate
challenges, acute contradictions and internal struggles. In this regard,
the following two historical instances may be invoked:
FIRST: In the
initial phase of the launching of the armed struggle in the early 60s,
the survival and continuation of the liberation struggle was put in
jeopardy. The lack of an effective leadership, the absence of a clear
political line, and the domination of the liberation front by
reactionary forces engendered perilous divisions within the ranks of the
organisation plunging the liberation front into an intractable crisis.
The survival of the liberation struggle was guaranteed after a long and
challenging internal struggle of rectification, well hinged on resilient
endeavours and far-sighted perspectives, but which exacted precious
sacrifices. Guaranteeing the mere continuity of the liberation struggle
was not, however, sufficient in itself unless this was accompanied by
the cultivation and articulation of a clear political line that would
ultimately ensure victory; i.e. without establishing an organization
that espouses revolutionary ideology. The latter objective in turn
required various phases of struggle (a split from the ELF; internecine
war between the ELF and the new front, the EPLF; internal struggles
within the EPLF etc.). It is not difficult to imagine the potential
outcome had the intractable democratic struggles carried out within the
EPLF not succeeded. This realization alone amplifies the historical
significance of those momentous events.
SECOND: The phase of
strategic withdrawals that were effected in tandem with the ferocious
battles to frustrate successive enemy offensives that occurred at the
end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s was perhaps the biggest
challenge that faced the Eritrean revolution. The balance of forces had
tipped, to a considerable extent, in favour of the colonial Ethiopian
regime as a result of the massive military intervention of the Soviet
Union on the side of the latter. The new reality again revived the
specter of the survival and continuity of the armed struggle. In the
event, the revolutionary strategy charted out had to ensure the
continuity of the struggle and confront the enemy with steadfastness,
resilience and sacrifice to gradually and incrementally change the
balance of forces in favour of the revolution. Furthermore, it had to
overcome, both in theory and practice, emergent tendencies of
capitulation and defeatism that became prevalent especially abroad. In
those trying times, to exhibit, with full confidence and defiance, an
unflinching faith in ultimate victory despite the glaring imbalance of
forces on the ground; to firmly and boisterously declare: "it is normal
to lose or gain territory but the ultimate victory of the armed struggle
of the Eritrean people is certain after a period of attrition"; to opt
for and successfully implement the strategic withdrawals by relying
fully on one's resources and objectives; to be prepared to confront the
waves of enemy offensives, were indeed historical decisions with few
parallels or precedents. Ultimately, it was the existence of a vanguard
organization, the EPLF, that had the competency to take these decisions
as well as implement them meticulously which ensured the continuity of
the Eritrean revolution and guaranteed its final victory.
* The
splendid dimensions of our history are not narrated for reasons of
documentation or to nurture and showcase our "grandeur". The fact is the
significance and ramifications of these events remain deep and relevant
indeed. Furthermore, a sober and profound appraisal of this history must
inevitably constitute a vital element of our future path and progress.
Like all societies, our history is the reference frame and initial point
of departure as we set out to determine and shape our future. We cannot
but invoke our history as a primary source of experience and wisdom. On
the other hand, the continuity and relevance of history can only be
ensured and invigorated through the making of new history that supplants
the old
* The political and ideological struggle that was waged in all
the phases between the two protagonists - the national revolutionary
line on the one hand, and the divisive and reactionary line on the other
- became the main driving force for the internal development of the
Eritrean revolution because all the elements and pre-requisites for
success (vision, programme, organization, strategies, policies and
tactics) were articulated and cultivated in the process. In the
experience of the Eritrean struggle, the emergence and ascendancy of an
independent ideology and political line under the auspices of a vanguard
organization, which was crucial for the victory of the national
liberation struggle of the Eritrean people, was not, by any means, a
straightforward accomplishment for a variety of historical reasons and
impediments. Indeed, the inexorable prevalence of the national
democratic line embodied in the EPLF only occurred after ten years of a
ferocious internal struggle. As a matter of fact, the victory of the
EPLF signaled the advent of a higher phase of competency and
organization that the armed liberation struggle of the Eritrean people
had scaled as a culmination and climax of the national struggle that had
begun in the 1940s. It was not, as aptly characterized in the political
report of the Second and Unity Congress, "the victory of one
organization over other groups".
* The basis of the strength and
efficiency of the EPLF are the Eritrean people; the strong culture of
perseverance and organizational capability of the Eritrean society. And,
the EPLF, guided by its independent line; firmly believing in the
conscious and organized participation of the Eritrean people; giving
priority to and relying on the internal reality; formulating and
developing practical strategies and tactics; leveraging and buttressing
the limited resources of its people, led the national liberation
struggle to victory. In this sense, the EPLF has accomplished its
historical mission as the leading revolutionary organization.
* The
historical experience of the EPLF underscores, primarily and in a
tangible manner, the indomitable power of just causes and values; the
power of a devoted person who struggles on the basis of these
convictions; the power of a determined people whose capabilities augment
through incessant struggle and toil; the power of a conscious, bold and
defiant state of mind which makes the impossible ultimately possible;
the power of independent thinking and self-confidence; the power of
organizational competence that transforms weakness into strength and few
into many. Indeed, the liberation struggle of the Eritrean people would
not have prevailed over the regional and international forces arrayed
against it without a leading organization endowed with those critical
ideological and political attributes.
* The EPLF means, first and
foremost, its revolutionary principles and values. It means a conscious
and devoted fighter who espouses, and predicates all his actions on,
just principles and human values. It means the selfless freedom fighter
prepared to sacrifice himself as epitomized in the popular adage: "ready
to give primacy to the interests and well-being of the people over
his/her own well-being". The secret behind the victory of the Eritrean
people lies squarely on these principles and values. And as was the case
yesterday, these pillars will continue to constitute the institutional
framework for the attainment of justice and progress in Eritrea today
and tomorrow.
* National unity was both an objective and a strategy
for the Eritrean revolution. The national liberation movement and
revolution were the first phase in the colossal task of nation-building.
The achievement of national liberation was accordingly its central core.
Nation building meant the cultivation and forging of a new unity out of
the prevalent historical diversity. It meant the crystallisation of a
unitary and cohesive national society from disparate and dispersed small
communities. This could only be achieved through a long and profound
historical process on multi-faceted dimensions: political, cultural,
economic as well as social matrices. Indeed, one of the main historical
contributions of the Eritrean national revolution to nation building was
the foundations it paved for national unity. The strategy of national
unity that combated against and triumphed over all narrow interests as
well as parochial tendencies and acts of polarization, fragmentation and
inter-communal confrontations, was one of the pivotal strategies that
ensured the victory of the Eritrean revolution. To preserve and preclude
any possible corrosion of this foundation of national unity achieved
through a common struggle and much sacrifice, it is imperative to
bolster the ideological and political work that must be maintained to
counter perhaps remnants and latent sub-national and sectarian notions
and activities. These efforts will surely culminate in the full
realization of our cherished objective of a modern and civilized nation
that belongs equally to all its citizens.
* The Eritrean revolution
was a popular revolution deeply rooted and entrenched in the organized
participation of the whole population. Our liberation struggle became
victorious because it charted out, and effectively implemented, the
strategy of prolonged people's war that was pertinent to, and workable
in, the specific reality of the Eritrean liberation struggle. In spite
of their limited resources, the Eritrean people were able to achieve
victory by shouldering the onerous burden of the armed liberation
struggle for thirty odd years precisely because they were able to create
a revolutionary leadership that was capable of galvanizing and
leveraging their resources and initiatives; enhancing their full
participation; and, that was faithful to and ardently defended their
interests and aspirations. The national movement for liberation was, in
essence, a democratic movement that had deep roots in the population and
that managed to mobilize as well as secure the active participation of
almost the entire Eritrean people, including those residing in the most
remote villages and hamlets. As a consequence, the national struggle
could not survive and triumph by earning and marshalling the support and
participation of the population without a social and democratic forum
that promoted their interests; without a political outlook that espoused
social justice. The preservation and enhancement of this legacy to place
the active and all-round participation of the population as a
cornerstone of the strategy of nation-building will accordingly continue
to be vital for irreversible and continual progress.
* The genuine
support of the population can only be secured by striving to promote,
both in theory and practice, as well as by embodying their fundamental
interests and aspirations. The EPLF managed to earn the goodwill and
unflinching support of the Eritrean people because it fervently
safeguarded their equality and dignity; because it vigorously worked to
advance, without wavering, the national interest; because it did not
degenerate into, or, form an interest group that was detached from the
broad population. Indeed, as it was eloquently stressed in the National
Charter: "…it is because we struggled by living among the population,
eking out the same or even more severe life, that we were able to:
comprehend their outlook as well as the problems that they were
grappling with; to be interested in and passionately endeavour to
resolve their problems; to know their heart beat and to inspire their
struggle and ensure its victory". In its post-independence experience
too, the PFDJ has not betrayed these attributes to become an alienated
group that pursues narrow interests or that compromises the national
interest in order to cater to selfish sectarian or individual benefits.
It has resolutely combated wayward interests, tendencies and values that
purported to adulterate its avowed line. This is its highest political
victory in the post-independence period. Needless to stress, it is
imperative to conduct a continuous and conscious struggle to cultivate
and develop national institutions so as to safeguard and augment this
monumental achievement.
* The national liberation struggle and the
revolutionary experience have left their indelible imprints on the
Eritrean national identity. But their historical contribution,
significant as they are, will be limited in the ongoing task of nation
building. Indeed, irrespective of their depth and expanse, revolutionary
struggle and experience alone cannot go beyond paving the way and
lending impetus to the new task to become a substitute for the
cultivation of national political, cultural, economic and social tasks
and processes. In this respect, it is incumbent upon us to invoke the
spectacular achievements of yesteryear to ensure continuity, and, to
transform the history of the Eritrean national liberation struggle and
the EPLF, which had few parallels among the liberation movements of the
20th century, into an equally successful endeavour of nation building
that few Third World countries have managed to achieve to date. This
means, essentially, in order to successfully consummate its historic
mission of nation building, the PFDJ has to persist in its struggle by
marshalling the support and participation of the Eritrean people. This
means that the PFDJ has to ensure that the young generation will
preserve its heritage and carry the revolutionary torch in order to
continue as well as make new history.
This decisive question of
ensuring the continuity of history; of making new history by taking past
history as the point of departure is best described by the following
slogan in very simple words but that convey a profound message:
"independent Eritrea is the gift of our martyrs; but the building of a
modern and civilized Eritrea is our gift to our martyrs!"
Joyous
Golden Jubilee of September First!
Glory to our Heroic Martyrs!
Victory to the Masses!
People's Front for Democracy and Justice!
September 1st, 2011
-- Awet niHafash YPFDJ Media and Information
Committee
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