IGAD strategy for Jubbaland breaks up Somalia
Mohamud M Uluso
2012-11-23, Issue <
http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/607> 607
<
http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/85520>
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/85520
http://www.pambazuka.org/images/articles/607/somalia.png
Designated a 'failed state' Somalia's problems lie partly in the
geopolitical strategy of Somalia's neighbours for managing the liberated
areas from Al Shabab, which compartmentalizes the Somali territory, politics
and devalues citizenship.
Besides terrorism threats, the federal government of Somalia faces other
threats emanating from three different but self-reinforcing sources. These
threats would derail the achievement of peace, stability and self governance
in Somalia.
The first threat is what the former national security advisor of President
Jimmy Carter Administration, Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski called 'the
geopolitically most endangered states.' He argues that the security and
sovereignty of weaker states located geographically next to major regional
powers is at risk if the US power declines because the international
stability depends on the international status quo reinforced by America's
global preeminence. Somalia typifies the most endangered state of all. The
source is the geopolitical strategy of Somalia's neighbors for managing the
liberated areas from Al Shabab, which compartmentalizes the Somali
territory, politics and devalues citizenship.
Ethiopia plays dual roles; first is the overall coordination of IGAD
strategy and secondly is the lead role for the local entities of Somaliland,
Puntland, Khatumo, Galmudug, Himan and Heeb, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama, and Bay
and Bakol (South West). The entities of Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle and
Benadir are left for Uganda and Rwanda. Kenya and Ethiopia share the lead
role for Jubbaland area. Djibouti shares the lead role with Ethiopia in
Dohada Shabelle (Hiiran) area. Clan militias are trained for each area by
Ethiopia or the lead country or by foreign security company. The federal
government forces and the AMISOM forces are trained and funded by US and
European Union without transparent and sustainability considerations.
WHAT IS THE ROLE OF THE SOMALI FEDERAL GOVERNMENT?
A consortium led by the United Nations political office for Somalia (UNPOS)
manages the Federal Government with the help of AMISOM forces (Uganda and
Rwanda). Another consortium led by IGAD (Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti)
manages the Federal Member States (FMS) - myriads of clan based entities,
with the help of Ethiopian and Kenyan forces operating under their
governments' direction. The federal government has no effective role in the
security, financial and political planning and decisions on Somalia made in
Addis Ababa, Nairobi and New York. These parallel regional and international
interventions are to exacerbate the fragmentation of Somalia.
The second threat is the sabotage of the international support for
rebuilding Somalia. The source is the scholars who are promoting the
'hybrid-government or mediated state model' of governance for Somalia. This
model frees donors from the moral and political responsibility as it
provides the legal avoidance of supporting the state building agenda which
requires the combination of nationally owned plan with massive foreign
assistance. Those scholars prescribe a placebo to Somalia diagnosed with
terminal cancer symptoms. Thus, Somalia is subjected to a discriminatory
approach compared to the successful approaches (treatment) applied to many
failed states in other parts of the world.
DISUNITY INSPIRES THE PC
The third threat is a continuous political paralyzes. The source is the
divisive Provisional Constitution (PC) embedded in the Somali politics. The
foreign driven federalism under the slogan to overcome clan injustices and
conflicts is feeding clan divisions and political conflicts. Although the
federal parliament started amending or suspending some of the PC provisions
like 7 (3) (international boundary dispute), 67 (dissolution of parliament),
89 (election of president), and 135 (mandates and timelines for priority
institutions and independent commissions), the PC inspires chaos,
citizenship dispute and disunity.
The Somali people remember the flourishing of officially entombed tribalism
which finally dismantled without trace the Somali state. They have seen the
horror of civil war, the Green Line in Mogadishu and the one now existing in
Galka'io, the secession of Somaliland, the Khatumo and Himan and Heb states'
drive to stand separate from Puntland and Galmudug States respectively.
The clan-caused injustices that have plagued Somalia cannot be overcome
through clan federalism. If there is one truth recognized by the
international community at the end of the constitution making process in
Somalia is the admission that the proposed federalism is an issue that has
not been settled among Somalis. Thus, the invocation of federalism for
establishing the administration of Kismaio city and district is premature
and without credible ground. What is more dangerous is the empowerment of
clan militia for local democratic administration given the Somali
experience.
The PC assigns the responsibilities related to establishing local
administrations, foreign affairs, national security and defense, immigration
and citizenship, and monetary and fiscal policies to the federal government.
Indeed, local authorities are constitutionally prohibited from having any
working relationship with foreign actors outside the federal government
institutions. In exercising its responsibilities to lead, represent and
defend the national unity and public interests, the federal government must
respect the democratic process and norms which are antithetical to the
concentration of power in the capital Mogadishu or in the hands of the
central authority.
THE POWER OF FOREIGN PATRONS
However, the federal government faces the reality that the regional
authorities, rebel movement leaders and forces are influenced by their
foreign patrons like IGAD and not by the spirit and content of the PC and
sense of patriotism. I'm glad I offered my views about the right path for
the constitution making process in Somalia to secure genuine national
reconciliation, public support, loyalty and common understanding about the
political framework for rebuilding the national institutions. At the end,
the United Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) published officially the PC
and the guide book to the PC .
The wrangling over the roadmap for establishing administrations at the city,
district, regional, state and federal levels in Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba
and Gedo regions mostly still under Al Shabab control proves my criticisms
against the PC. The President and the Prime Minister are now under
relentless attack by critics motivated by clan perceptions after the
president claimed leadership role in the internal and external affairs of
Somalia, including Jubbaland and reiterated the charcoal ban imposed by the
UN Security Council. With regard to the charcoal, the expected action of the
federal government was to send a delegation to Kismaio, take stock of the
charcoal inventory, its value, the identity of the exporters and importers,
the tax surcharge, modalities of payments and money transfer and discussion
with the local population so that it can develop policy options. Armed with
that information, the federal government was supposed to engage the UN
Security Council for a satisfactory resolution of the matter within the
legal framework in place. Unfortunately, the federal government has been
deprived of that opportunity after the federal delegation was turned back
from Kismaio airport by the Kenyan forces. The Somali public opinion on the
incident has been summarized by Amin Amir's cartoon.
The PC recognizes the eighteen (18) regions and their districts which
existed on January 1991. It directs the federal government to make sure that
the requirements of the constitutional provisions are complied with by all
before the formation of federal member states. Thus, establishing the
administrations of the 18 regions and their districts has priority over the
discussion about FMS. Appointments of temporary respected leaders are more
favorable than the rush to perpetuate crisis.
The end of the transition period and the ratification of the PC have been
built on the understanding that the majority of Somalis have embraced and
internalized the deliberations of the national reconciliation conferences
and shared transitional governments during the last 12 years for a better
future of all Somalis. As symbols of the end of transition, the federal
government must be able to appoint a task force team working in each region
alongside the local authorities and to assume the control of ports and
airports of all Somalia. These measures would enhance the hope for the
revival of shared national government.
Clan based federalism is a failure. Many independent researchers have
extensively and conclusively illustrated the failure of the ethnic based
federalism adopted by Ethiopia in 1995. It is a waste of time, opportunity
and energy for the Somali people to undertake such a failed experiment
considering the incompatibility between clan perspectives and the
citizenship perspectives and the obligations enshrined in the PC. Common
identity above clan identity must be the focus of the 'national government'
at all levels. Change of the endemic opportunistic culture is key to a
bright future for Somalia.
Received on Thu Nov 22 2012 - 22:40:42 EST
