May 2000 Press Releases

1. Statement of the Government of Eritrea on a Senseless and Destructive War (May 30, 2000)
   
2. Ethiopia's Duplicity on Its "Troop Withdrawals" (May 31, 2000)
   
3. Ethiopia Bombs Asmara Airport (May 29, 2000)
   
4. Ethiopia Unleashes Offensive on the Senafe and Tsorona Fronts; Ethiopian Aircraft Bomb a Power Plant Near Completion (May 28, 2000)
   
5. Eritrea Completes Redeployment to May 6 Positions (May 26, 2000)
   
6. Military Update (19:00 hrs. LT) Ethiopia Continues Its War of Invasion (May 25, 2000)
   
7. Statement of the Government of Eritrea Concerning the Appeal Issued by the Current Chairman of the OAU(May 24, 2000)
   
8. Military Update
   Four Ethiopian Fighter Planes Shot Down; Attacks Repulsed (May 24, 2000)
   
9. Ethiopian Offensive on the Alitiena-Mereb Front Repulsed; Three Ethiopian MiG-23 Fighter Planes Shot Down (May 23, 2000)
   
10. Ethiopia's Invasion: Eritrea's Warning Ignored (May 22, 2000)
    
11. Ethiopia's Invasion of Eritrea Must Not Be Tolerated (May 19, 2000)
    
12. Ethiopian Casualties Mount As Intense Fighting Continues: (May 16, 2000)
    
13. Ethiopia Suffers Heaviest Casualties To Date: SU-27 Jet Fighter and MI-24 Helicopter Gunship Shot Down (May 15, 2000)
    
14. Ethiopian Army Suffers Over 25,000 Killed and Wounded (May 14, 2000)
    
15. Ethiopia's War of Aggression Continues for the Second Day (May 13, 2000)
    
16. Ethiopian Regime Launches an Offensive Against Eritrea (May 12, 2000)
    
17. Ethiopia's Agenda Has Always Remained War (May 11, 2000)
    
18. Algiers Peace Talks End Without Success Due to Ethiopia's Refusal to Sign OAU Peace Plan and Ceasefire (May 5, 2000)
    
19. Ethiopia refuses to sign OAU peace, rejects cease-fire (May 3, 2000)

Statement of the Government of Eritrea on a Senseless and Destructive War
May 30, 2000

The developments of the last two weeks will have important significance, not only in the history of the people of Eritrea but also in the history of the people of Ethiopia. It may also have a bearing on the norms and behaviour of the international community. As such, it warrants a sober assessment.

Is it possible to justify the turmoil and mindless destruction in the first place?

The people of Eritrea never harboured illusions on the mentality and intentions of the TPLF regime. This knowledge enabled them to confront and foil the previous offensives unleashed by the TPLF last year. No new secrets were revealed in the present and third invasion. But it did help in further accentuating the TPLF's objectives of naked aggression.

In this context, it may be appropriate and timely to revisit the intentions and objectives of the TPLF regime to refresh the memories of the people of Eritrea and Ethiopia, and the international community at large. Let us examine, on the basis of hard evidence, what the TPLF plan was in this third round of invasion.

Immediate and long-term objectives
The objectives of the invasion were to enter Asmara after "annihilating" the Eritrean Defense Forces; to install a puppet regime after subjugating the Eritrean people; to create a political climate of internal turmoil and civil strife; and to destroy the economy and infrastructure of Eritrea and render it a weak and fragile country. To this end, the TPLF undertook meticulous preparations complete with a political programme and hand-picked agents to lead a puppet government.

The objectives that the TPLF presumed would be achieved in Ethiopia as a result of its victory in Eritrea
The TPLF sought to instrumentalize the people of Tigray to serve as the primary tool of its policy. To this end, it conducted a campaign of deceit telling them that they are the main beneficiary of its adventurist policy. Its venomous propaganda stated: "People of Tigray, rise up in arms! It is now or never. If you subjugate the people of Eritrea, you will walk with heads held high in Ethiopia."

The message to the Ethiopian people in general (i.e., with the exception of the people of Tigray) would be: "we have consolidated our power which is invincible now, so either obey and submit to our authority or face demolition."

The TPLF also thought that it can usurp a five year electoral ticket and consolidate its political throne amid mayhem and through a rigged "democratic election."

The regional and global objective
The strategy was predicated on distorted logic, which read as follows: "The world believes in power. Thus, if we accomplish a de facto situation on the ground, nobody will bother us with notions of peaceful negotiations, demarcation, etc. We will not only be able to impose our wishes but we can always flex our muscles and be feared and revered. To show our muscles to the Arab World would especially grant us strategic influence and guarantees."

Time frame for implementing this comprehensive plan
The TPLF sought to capture Barentu during the first day of the surprise offensive and then proceed, by launching multi-pronged attacks, to reach and occupy Asmara on May 24 (to coincide with Eritrea's ninth independence anniversary). This would not only erase the independence day but enable the TPLF regime to declare "a great victory" to the international community and the Ethiopian people and make May 28 (the TPLF's assumption of power in Addis Ababa) a "double and glorious anniversary." The timing was not chosen in view of the 24 May independence anniversary in Eritrea and the 28 May anniversary of the downfall of the Mengistu regime in Addis Abeba alone. The month of May is the month of the short rains. The TPLF's invasion would thus disrupt and destroy the agricultural schemes in Eritrea to induce famine and hunger which would create, according to its convoluted logic, a conducive climate for subjugating the people of Eritrea.

This bellicose scheme was not kept secret from the diplomatic community. To queries on the ultimate objectives of the offensive, the TPLF responded: "This is not a border dispute. Our aim is to topple and get rid of the Eritrean government. Just be patient with us, we will deliver."

Have these objectives been achieved? What consequences did it entail? What about the future implications?
When the TPLF clique embarked on this scheme under the motto of "everything to the war front," they were apparently confident that they would realize their objectives according to the set timetable. To this end, they mobilized all human and material resources of the country, and even recruited over 250 mercenaries, particularly as pilots in the Air Force as well as in various combat roles in the Air Defense and other weapons systems.

A few days after launching the invasion the TPLF boasted that its "meticulous military plans have successfully achieved their strategic and tactical objectives." The TPLF even claimed that it has "destroyed 60% of the Eritrean Defense Forces."

The outcome of the war cannot be evaluated on the basis of a single confrontation and within a single day. Tactical advantages of one or two battles can not, by the same token, serve as a yardstick for predicting the final outcome of a total war. Similarly, seizing or abandoning territory will be gauged by the final outcome although it entails painful, even if short-term, humanitarian consequences. The main and decisive factor in war is the losses incurred on the enemy's human resources, which impact on its fighting capability. This is the only yardstick that can be employed to evaluate the success or failure of the TPLF's invasion.

In this regard, it does not require much analysis to conclude that all the political objectives that the TPLF sought to achieve have been totally frustrated. The TPLF has found this hard to fathom but it is fully aware of the debacle it has wrought on itself.

The setback in the TPLF's military plans is more severe than its political failures. True the TPLF may have controlled territory. But sovereign territory ultimately belongs, and will return, to its rightful owner. Temporary seizure of territory must therefore be associated with the ultimate political outcome. Moreover, when measured in military terms, territorial gain is not a factor that has precedence or importance over preservation of human resources. Thus, in spite of the early territorial gains which were seen as an advantage, the grave military fiasco that the TPLF suffered is the enormous losses--that defy explanation--that its army has sustained in their human wave assaults (full details will be made public soon). Although the TPLF is trying to hide the truth in a welter of hollow propaganda, the full extent of its debacle is well known to the TPLF leadership, to the army that took part in all the battles, and to the Ethiopian public in general. And, with time, the truth will become more evident.

As far as the people and Government of Eritrea are concerned, the outcome of war is assessed, primarily and ultimately, in terms of human losses. In this regard, the losses that we have sustained are few although this was unnecessary and could have been avoidable in the first place. But this is a price imposed on us. It is not a price we were willing to pay in pursuit of territorial aggrandizement. In any case, our ability to preserve our human resources has underscored the effectiveness of our military strategy enabling us to prevail in the end. We have equally managed to keep our material resources intact. The victory we have scored becomes all the more obvious when we take into account the fact that our defense forces succeeded in downing seven war planes to the loss of none on our side. Above all, the spirit of confidence demonstrated by Eritreans at home and abroad is a mark of our victory.

Undoubtedly the fact that tens of thousands of war displaced compatriots are currently facing problems is an issue of serious concern to us all. However, this is a price that we could not avoid in our efforts to safeguard our sovereignty.

In short, the TPLF's declared objectives have ended up in fiasco. This debacle will never be covered up, either through desperate acts of air raids or through lies and deception.

The failure of the international community to condemn Ethiopia's invasion, particularly the resolution adopted by the UN Security Council to apply mandatory sanctions on the victim of the TPLF's naked invasion, is a matter of utmost sadness to Eritrea. This appalling act of indifference is unjustifiable by any standards.

We recall the measures taken by the international community against Iraq after its invasion of Kuwait. To this day, Iraq is subjected to punitive air strikes. By deciding on mandatory sanctions against the victim of aggression, the Security Council is in effect saying, "countries facing boundary disputes may, after all, engage in acts of invasion against each other." This certainly sets a dangerous precedent, in addition to contravening international law.

The objective set by the TPLF has failed. On the contrary, the determination of the Eritrean people to ensure respect of their sovereignty has triumphed. The people and Government of Eritrea call upon the Ethiopian people to draw lessons from this painful experience and wage a united struggle to heal the consequences of the TPLF's adventurist policies. While appreciating the sympathy demonstrated by all those who cherish peace, the people and Government of Eritrea call on them to extend urgent humanitarian assistance to the victims of Ethiopian invasion.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 30 May 2000

Ethiopia's Duplicity on Its "Troop Withdrawals"
May 31, 2000

The Ethiopian regime falsely claimed yesterday that it has pulled back its invading troops from western Eritrea as it has accomplished "its mission." This claim contradicts the statement made by the Ethiopian Foreign Minister the same day in Algiers who stated that troop withdrawals were done in the "south west" only.

What are the facts?

1. The declared mission of the Ethiopian invasion was to "defeat the Eritrean army, march to Asmara and topple the government." This mission has been totally frustrated with Ethiopia sustaining more than 60,000 losses in its human wave attacks in the first two weeks of intense confrontations alone. This is discounting the heavy losses that Ethiopia has sustained in the battles on the Senafe front in the last five days.

2. Ethiopia has been forced to retreat because the tide has begun to change. In the battles from last Friday until Sunday on the Senafe front, Ethiopia has lost most of its elite divisions. Two of Ethiopia's elite divisions were decimated in the battle on the left flank of Senafe in the Ambassoira Mountains last Sunday in a twelve hour battle. Ethiopian radio announced Sunday evening that there was no battle in this area. This is reminiscent of the Tsorona debacle last year when Ethiopia first denied the occurrence of any battle and later said that it had inflicted 23,000 casualties on Eritrea.

3. Ethiopia has begun to retreat from the areas where it is facing intense military pressure (Senafe, Tsorona, Mai Mine, Mai Dima, etc.) But, Ethiopian troops did not withdraw from Barentu and other areas they still occupy in western Eritrea despite their false assertion yesterday. On the contrary, Ethiopian troops have occupied Tessenei and other towns on the road and are looting property.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 31 May 2000

Ethiopia Bombs Asmara Airport
May 29, 2000

Ethiopian aircraft today bombed the airport in Asmara. Four Ethiopian bomber planes were used in the attack which occurred around 11:20 a.m. Two flew overhead while the other two bombed the airport and a soap factory nearby.

The bombing of the airport did not cause damage to the installation although a guard outpost on the periphery of the runway was demolished. The soap factory was narrowly missed but the cluster and demolition bombs dropped cut big craters in the main road and caused injuries to two civilians. Details on further casualties were not available at press time.

Ethiopia's bombing of the capital coincides with the opening of the proximity talks in Algiers today. Ethiopia's senseless act of terror is in defiance of the OAU and the Security Council which have demanded an immediate ceasefire.

Ethiopia's air raids in Hirgigo yesterday and Asmara airport today underscore its malevolent intentions of wanton destruction. As the international community feeds Ethiopia's hungry, the regime in Addis Abeba is waging a war of invasion against a sovereign country and causing damage to infrastructure and developmental projects.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 29 May 2000

Ethiopia Unleashes Offensive on the Senafe and Tsorona Fronts;
Ethiopian Aircraft Bomb a Power Plant Near Completion
May 28, 2000

Ethiopia today continued its invasion of Eritrea by launching a large scale offensive on the Senafe and Tsorona fronts.

Ethiopia has moved into these areas following Eritrea's redeployment from Zalanbessa at 00:00 hours on Thursday, May 25, on the basis of the OAU seven-point peace proposal. This act is a flagrant violation of the OAU peace documents endorsed at the Algiers Summit last July which prevent any one side from moving its troops to areas of redeployment. Ethiopia has thus not only violated the peace agreement to perpetuate its invasion of Eritrea, but also demonstrated its arrogant defiance of the OAU and its partners--the UN, the US and the EU--which were all involved in working out the OAU peace documents.

Ethiopian aircraft today bombed, at 10:05 a.m., the new power plant in Hirgigo incurring serious damage to the project. The power plant, which is near completion, was financed under a loan agreement with a consortium of international financiers including finance institutions from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Italy, OPEC and BADEA. Ethiopia's bombing of the plant represents an act of State vandalism and senseless destruction.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 28 May 2000

Eritrea Completes Redeployment to May 6 Positions
May 26, 2000

President Isaias Afwerki received today H.E. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, President of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria and current Chairman of the OAU, who is visiting Eritrea and Ethiopia to expedite the implementation of the OAU peace process.

President Bouteflika praised Eritrea's acceptance of the OAU Communiqu issued yesterday and its decision as well as measures already taken to redeploy its forces to positions held prior to 6 May 1998 in accordance with the second requirement of the OAU Communique.

With its redeployment from the Zalanbessa area, Eritrea has completed its redeployment to positions held prior to May 6, 1998 in fulfillment of its obligations under the OAU peace plan.

However, President Bouteflika informed President Isaias that the Ethiopian government was asking that Eritrea redeploy from additional places referred to as Bada and Burrie.

President Isaias stressed that "Bada and Burrie are sovereign Eritrean territories that were never under dispute and in which there was no Ethiopian presence prior to May 6 or thereafter, and that Addis Ababa is raising the issue of redeployment of these areas as a pretext to justify its naked invasion of Eritrea and its rejection of the resolutions and appeals of the UN Security Council and the OAU."

President Isaias nonetheless formally informed the OAU Current Chairman that "Eritrea commits itself to re-deploy its troops from Bada and Burrie in order to deny Ethiopia any pretext." Eritrea's redeployment from these areas is being done "on the basis of the OAU Framework Agreement and the Modalities of Implementation, which state that re-deployment does not pre-judge the status of the territories concerned, which will be determined at the end of the delimitation and demarcation period, and if need be, arbitration."

Ethiopia had refused last year to provide the OAU with the list of places it claims title to. Ethiopia had further refused in October last year to cooperate with an OAU verification team to determine these places.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 26 May 2000

Military Update (19:00 hrs. LT)
Ethiopia Continues Its War of Invasion
May 25, 2000

Ethiopia launched intermittent attacks on Eritrea's new positions along the entire Alitiena-Mereb front the whole day today.JAll the attacks were repulsed though details on enemy casualties were not available at press time.

These attacks continued in spite of Eritrea's acceptance of the OAU seven-point communiqu and its announcement yesterday of commencing redeployment (as of 0:00 hrs on May 25) in accordance with provisions of the OAU proposal.

The attacks have occurred as the President of Algeria and current Chairman of the OAU, H.E. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, visited Asmara.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 25 May 2000

Statement of the Government of Eritrea Concerning the Appeal Issued by the Current Chairman of the OAU
May 24, 2000

The Government of Eritrea welcomes the "Communique of the OAU on the Conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea" issued today, 24 May.

The OAU Communique requests, among other things, "Ethiopia and Eritrea to immediately implement the redeployment of their respective forces to the positions they controlled prior to 6 May 1998, in conformity with paragraphs 1 & 2 of the Modalities without prejudging the final status of the territories concerned, which will be determined at the end of the delimitation and demarcation process."

The OAU Communique affirms "Eritrea stated its readiness to respond immediately and favourably to the two-point appeal of the Current Chairman of the OAU, namely the immediate cessation of the fighting and the resumption of Proximity talks."

Ethiopia on the other hand refused to accept to stop fighting although this was a central point of the appeal of the Current Chairman and a necessary condition for the implementation of redeployment in accordance with the Modalities of Implementation. In this connection, the OAU in its Communiqu has stated "it strongly deplores that its appeal for an immediate end of the fighting has not been heeded." Unable to persuade Ethiopia to accept a cessation of the war, the OAU has appealed for measures to be taken by both sides "with the aim of initiating the de-escalation of the conflict and arrive at its cessation."

Eritrea has decided, for the sake of peace, to accept the OAU's appeal for de-escalation. In this spirit, Eritrea:

1. Announces, in accordance with the second requirement of the OAU Communique, that it has decided to re-deploy its forces to positions held before 6 May 1998. Eritrea will begin this redeployment at midnight 25th May on the Zalanbessa area.

2. Reiterates, in accordance with the fifth requirement, its commitment to implement the Framework Agreement and the Modalities and to resolve the border dispute in conformity with the two afore-mentioned documents.

3. Expresses its readiness to finalize the consolidated Technical Arrangements which will pave the way for the full implementation of the OAU peace package; and,

4. Expresses its readiness to send its delegation to the Algiers proximity talks.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 24 May 2000

Military Update
Four Ethiopian Fighter Planes Shot Down; Attacks Repulsed
May 24, 2000

Military Update Four Ethiopian Fighter Planes Shot Down; Attacks Repulsed

The large scale offensive that Ethiopia launched yesterday, May 23, on the 150 km long Alitiena-Mereb (central) frontline was repulsed with Ethiopia suffering the biggest losses in a day since it resumed its war of aggression almost two weeks ago.

Four MiG-23 fighter planes were shot down.

Ethiopia also lost 19 tanks, five heavy artillery pieces and nine trucks mounted with anti-aircraft guns in the battles on the Mereb-Setit (western) front that raged from 12-17 May. Aggregated enemy human losses for the battles on the western front are estimated at 37,000.

Fighting resumed this morning on the Alitiena-Mereb front and was raging fiercely at press time.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 24 May 2000

Ethiopian Offensive on the Alitiena-Mereb Front Repulsed; Three Ethiopian MiG-23 Fighter Planes Shot Down
May 23, 2000

Ethiopian launched today a large scale offensive on the Alitiena-Mereb front. The attack started at 5:30 a.m. this morning.
Fierce fighting was still continuing throughout the entire front at press time. Ethiopian assaults throughout the day were repulsed, with the Ethiopian army suffering huge losses. Full details were not available at press time.
Three Ethiopian MiG-23 fighter planes were shot down by Eritrean air defense units. Ethiopian contingents on the right flank of the Alitiena-Mereb front were dislodged from some key positions.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 23 May 2000

Ethiopia's Invasion: Eritrea's Warning Ignored
May 22, 2000

In yet another clear indication of the TPLF's determination to disregard international condemnation and invade larger parts of Eritrea, the Ethiopian army launched separate attacks on Eritrean positions yesterday.

Ethiopian forces attacked Eritrean positions in Burie, 70 kilometers southwest of Assab, yesterday deploying about one brigade. The fighting was brief and Ethiopian troops were repulsed. Two hundred Ethiopian soldiers were killed or wounded and one Ethiopian tank was destroyed in the fighting.

At about the same time, the TPLF launched an attack on Eritrean positions in the far west at Omhajer. The invading army, which attacked from Humera, was pushed back and suffered serious losses there as well. Four hundred fifty soldiers were either killed or wounded, and eleven soldiers were captured. Neither Burie nor Omhajer are in disputed territory or, for that matter, anywhere near territory Ethiopia claims.

Ethiopian claims that its air force attacked and destroyed a military installation in Mendefera over the weekend are utterly fictitious. For one thing, this is the third time Ethiopia claims its forces have destroyed some military site in that town when, in fact, it has never done so. Moreover, Ethiopia's air force is known, not for striking military targets, but for its consistent targeting of civilians.

Eritrea has, since the outbreak of the conflict, warned that Ethiopia's intentions lay far beyond the peaceful resolution of a border dispute. Now, the TPLF's unchecked adventurism spells serious trouble for the region as a whole. Ethiopia is being allowed to pursue a dangerous agenda and even being encouraged by international nonchalance border on complicity. It is an unfortunate testimony to Ethiopia's inability to learn from the past. The invasion of sovereign Eritrea is ill advised and will have disastrous consequences for the regime in Addis Ababa.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 22 May 2000

Ethiopia's Invasion of Eritrea Must Not Be Tolerated
May 19, 2000

Ethiopia is at present occupying undisputed sovereign Eritrean territory in the western part of the country including the regional capital, Barentu. Ethiopia unleashed its invasion--which has so far resulted in the displacement of over 500,000 people--last Friday while peace efforts were underway by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the UN Security Council.

Ethiopia is now putting forth ludicrous arguments to justify its invasion.

Ethiopia claims that it was forced to go to war because "the peace process hit a brick wall due to Eritrea's intransigence." This allegation is not borne out by the facts. Impediments to the peace process were not put by Eritrea, which has accepted all the OAU peace documents in good faith, but by Ethiopia which rejected the implementation plan.

The fact is Ethiopia abused the peace process in order to buy time until it finished its military preparations. As it may be recalled, Ethiopia's Prime Minister openly stated last June that "the offensive will be launched at the appropriate time when preparations are complete; it will not be brought forward or delayed by a day." In pursuit of this agenda, Ethiopia resorted to dilatory tactics to frustrate the peace process until it felt that it was in a position to launch its military invasion.

Even if a peaceful solution were not possible, Ethiopia has no legal right to invade Eritrea to "regain" disputed border posts. But this is what Ethiopia is telling the international community! This is indeed what Ethiopia's Prime Minister insinuated yesterday when he told the BBC, "We do not share the opinion of some military experts who suggest that the shortest distance between two points is a straight line. On the contrary, it may be that the indirect route is the shortest route."

Meles is in effect saying that it is justifiable and more expedient to invade and occupy an entire country to "regain" disputed territory along the common border.

Leaving aside the practicality of this military option and its grave consequences to regional peace and security, nobody can accept the repugnant logic that Ethiopia's Prime Minister advances to justify the naked invasion that his regime is perpetrating against a sovereign country.

Ethiopia's invasion is in contravention of the Charters of the UN and the OAU and violates UN Security Council Resolution 1298 which reaffirms, among other things, "the commitment of all member States to the sovereignty, independent and territorial integrity of Eritrea and Ethiopia." Accordingly, the international community must strongly condemn Ethiopia's invasion without equivocation.

Ethiopia is also trying to hide its agenda by arguing that it "had supported the referendum in 1993 and was the first country to recognize Eritrean independence." This is true as a historical fact. But it does not mean that Ethiopia may not suffer a relapse of its earlier malaise to entertain territorial ambitions against Eritrea. More importantly, if we are talking about historical facts, we must recall that it was Eritrea's major military part which helped the current regime gain power in Ethiopia at the time by defeating the Mengistu regime in Addis Ababa. At any rate, acts speak louder than words and Ethiopia's current acts betray a hidden political agenda that has nothing to do with a border dispute.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 19 May 2000

Ethiopian Casualties Mount As Intense Fighting Continues
May 16, 2000

Fierce fighting is raging on the Mereb-Setit front for the fifth day running, today. Ethiopian forces are sustaining heavy casualties although a full report of these losses was not available at press time.

Yesterday, one SU-25 Ethiopian bomber plane (wrongly identified as a SU-27) was shot down and its pilot, Wondu Ghenda, killed. A second SU-25 also crashed. In addition, Eritrean defense forces shot down a MI-24 helicopter gunship and its pilot was killed.

In a related development, the UN Security Council failed to reach a consensus in its deliberations yesterday as Ethiopia rejected UN Security Council Resolution 1297 of 12 May.

Eritrea is very much dismayed by the failure of the Security Council to honor its obligations. Ethiopia's resumption of its war of aggression poses a clear threat to international peace and security and, in Eritrea's view, the Security Council has an obligation to invoke Chapter VII and take punitive measures, including an arms embargo and economic sanctions, against Ethiopia.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 16 May 2000

Ethiopia Suffers Heaviest Casualties To Date
SU-27 Jet Fighter and MI-24 Helicopter Gunship Shot Down
May 15, 2000

Ethiopian forces today suffered their heaviest casualties yet as the TPLF regime continued its naked aggression against Eritrea for the fourth day running.

Detailed figures were not available immediately but Eritrean military commanders on the Mereb-Setit front described the scene as a "massacre." Thousands of Ethiopian troops were killed as they were ordered into human wave attacks against Eritrean positions.

Eritrea also shot down a SU-27 warplane, the first of its kind to be downed by Eritrea. A MI-24 helicopter gunship was also shot down and seven tanks destroyed in today's fighting.

Asked to comment on the status of the continued fighting, an Eritrean military spokesperson said, "The victory that Ethiopia has been boasting about is proving illusory." He described the Ethiopian goal of a quick victory as "mind-boggling, in light of the experience of the past two years, and the fighting of the past four days."

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 15 May 2000

Ethiopian Army Suffers Over 25,000 Killed and Wounded
May 14, 2000

Fighting continued today for the third day running on the Mereb-Setit front as the TPLF regime continued its naked aggression against Eritrea. This is despite the extremely heavy casualties that it has sustained in the first two days of heavy fighting.

A total of 25,200 Ethiopian troops were killed or wounded, nine tanks destroyed and thousands of pieces of weapons captured.

Meanwhile, in a press statement issued yesterday, the Eritrean Armed Forces affirmed that the TPLF army has put itself into a quagmire from which it will never extricate itself. It described as baseless, and characteristic of its hollow boasting, the casualties that the TPLF claimed it had inflicted on the Eritrean army. This lie is principally designed to embellish its electoral objectives as well as to deceive the Ethiopian people.

The Eritrean Armed Forces asserted that the insatiable appetite of the enemy to occupy more sovereign Eritrean territory and to subordinate the Eritrean people will be foiled as before.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 14 May 2000

Ethiopia's War of Aggression Continues for the Second Day
May 13, 2000

Ethiopia's war of aggression against Eritrea continued with intensity today. Fierce fighting is raging on the Mereb-Setit front.

Ethiopia resumed its war of aggression in the early morning hours yesterday, May 12. Ethiopia's repeated assaults along the Mereb-Setit front were repulsed with Ethiopian forces suffering heavy casualties. The Ethiopian regime also carried out intensive shelling on the Alitiena-Mereb front. But the frontline was quiet at press time this morning.

Eritrea yesterday requested the UN Security Council to condemn Ethiopia. In a letter sent to the President of the Security Council, Eritrea underlined that "Ethiopia's renewed resort to force is in flagrant violation of the OAU Framework Agreement and Modalities which commit both parties to refrain from the use of force. It is also a violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations." Recalling that the Security Council has repeatedly "resolved that the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia constitutes a threat to international peace and security," Eritrea called on the Security Council to:

1. "strongly condemn Ethiopia's resumption of its war of aggression against Eritrea; and
2. support Eritrea's legitimate right of self-defense."

Ethiopian Regime Launches an Offensive Against Eritrea
May 12, 2000

The Ethiopian regime has launched an offensive on the right and left flanks of the Mereb-Setit front today, 12 May 2000. The attack began shortly after midnight.

Earlier this week, Ethiopia's Prime Minister declared to the diplomatic community in Addis Ababa as well as the visiting UN Security Council mission that Ethiopia is "going to war and it will resolve the conflict soon."

In preparation for its impending war of aggression, the TPLF regime did not only obstruct the OAU peace process for the last nine months, but it also made progress impossible at the proximity talks in Algiers by refusing to respect key provisions of the OAU peace plan; including signature of the documents and cease-fire agreement.

The TPLF regime further frustrated efforts by the UN Security Council whose mission visited both capitals in the middle of this week. The TPLF regime has launched this new wave of offensives against Eritrea at a time of grave humanitarian crisis in the region and when the international community is engaged in a huge rescue operation to save millions in Ethiopia from death by starvation.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Asmara, 12 May 2000

Ethiopia's Agenda Has Always Remained War
May 11, 2000

The Ethiopian regime is again beating the drums of war. This saber rattling is occurring at a time when major international donors are pouring huge deliveries of food aid into Ethiopia.

Ethiopia's decision to go to war at this time has nothing to do with the peace process. The fact is peace has never been on the agenda of this regime. As it may be recalled, Ethiopia's Prime Minister had publicly stated in June last year that "the offensive would be launched when the preparations are complete; that it will not be brought forward or delayed by a day."

In as far as the peace process is concerned, the facts are the following:

1. After stalling for about seven months, Ethiopia rejected the Technical Arrangements. These were submitted to both sides as non-negotiable under the express request of Ethiopia, which was not willing at the time to participate in proximity talks. Ethiopia's Prime Minister is now resorting to his usual armour of lies to deny this explicit commitment. But official OAU documents, including the clarifications that the OAU issued last September, establish the indelible truth.

2. Despite Ethiopia's rejection of the Technical Arrangements in contravention of agreed ground rules, Eritrea accepted to participate in the proximity talks proposed in the hope of salvaging the peace process. Naturally, Eritrea would exercise its legitimate right and put forth its ideas regarding the new set of Technical Arrangements since its earlier acceptance was predicated on the "non-amendable" status of the document.

3. In the proximity talks in Algiers, Eritrea naturally requested a signature of the two documents and an agreement on a cease-fire. In reality these are not Eritrea's requests but specific provisions of the Framework Agreement and the Modalities of Implementation. Indeed,
   • Article 1 of the Framework Agreement states:
     

     "The two parties commit themselves to an immediate cessation of hostilities."

   • Article 9 of the Framework Agreement establishes that talks would start "as soon as the Framework Agreement is signed."
   • Article 7 of the Modalities of Implementation states:

     "The two parties commit themselves to sign a formal cease-fire agreement which provides for the detailed modalities of implementation of the Framework Agreement."

   • Article 5 of the Modalities of Implementation again states:
     the modalities for the establishment of the civilian administration and the population in the concerned territories "shall be worked out after the cessation of hostilities."

4. Ethiopia is refusing to sign the documents because it has not accepted them in reality. Its claim that it will not sign them until a "third document" of detailed implementation is worked out is not tenable. In effect, this is not only in breach of operative paragraph 9 of the Framework Agreement but it is also making acceptance of the basic documents endorsed by the OAU Summit contingent upon additional documents that have to be negotiated between the parties. Moreover, specific arrangements that may have been made in working out the Technical Arrangements under the explicit ground rules of "non-negotiability" are not valid anymore when this has been violated and both sides are asked now to engage in proximity talks.

   In brief, peace has become elusive because Ethiopia's agenda has remained war from the outset. Ethiopia is refusing to sign the documents because it has not accepted them in the first place. Ethiopia has not accepted the OAU documents because it knows that it has no legal case and does not accordingly wish to see the demarcation of the boundary.

   Ministry of Foreign Affairs
   Asmara, 11 May 2000

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   Algiers Peace Talks End Without Success
   Due to Ethiopia's Refusal to Sign OAU Peace Plan and Ceasefire
   May 5, 2000

   
   

   The Special Envoy of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Current Chairman, Ahmed Ouyahia, held separate talks in Algiers between April 30 and May 5 with the delegations of Eritrea and Ethiopia. Special envoys of the United States and the European Union also had separate discussions with both sides.

   In these talks, Eritrea reaffirmed its acceptance of the three peace documents of the OAU, namely the Framework Agreement, the Modalities of Implementation, and the Technical Arrangements. Eritrea's Foreign Minister, Haile Woldensae, reiterated Eritrea's readiness to sign the three documents and move on immediately to implementation.

   Eritrea also affirmed that if Ethiopia persisted in its rejection of the Technical Arrangements, Eritrea would be ready to sign the first two documents, i.e., the Framework Agreement and the Modalities, which constitute the substance of the OAU peace plan and which were endorsed by the OAU Summit, and to negotiate in earnest to work out the details of implementation. The Framework Agreement stipulates that talks on implementation "would start as soon as the documents are signed" (Article 9).

   Eritrea also affirmed its acceptance of an immediate ceasefire which the OAU documents call for as a first step. Indeed, the first article of the Framework Agreement states: "The two parties commit themselves to an immediate cessation of hostilities."

   Unfortunately, Ethiopia has categorically refused to sign the Framework Agreement and the Modalities although it had been claiming that it had accepted them. Ethiopia also rejected an immediate ceasefire. This Ethiopian position was communicated to Eritrea by the OAU Special Envoy Mr. Ouyahia.

   This means that Ethiopia, having rejected the details and sequencing of implementation incorporated in the Technical Arrangements, has also refused to accept the Framework and the Modalities which constitute the basis for any implementation plan. The Ethiopian double talk that it has "accepted" the two documents but will not sign them simply does not wash. Refusal to accept a ceasefire, which is a key provision of the peace plan, is further evidence of Ethiopia's ploy of declaring one thing and doing another, of claiming to accept in words and rejecting in action.

   Despite Ethiopia's refusal to sign the documents and its rejection of a ceasefire, Eritrea remains committed to peace and will continue its cooperation with the OAU and its partners, the United States and the European Union, whose efforts it appreciates. Eritrea in particular wishes to express its appreciation for the rigorous efforts that the Current Chairman of the OAU and his special envoy have exerted in the past eight months to bring about peace.

   Ethiopia's refusal to sign the OAU peace documents and a ceasefire agreement is only proof of its desire to go to war at a time when millions of people are facing starvation and the international community has launched a huge humanitarian rescue operation to stave off death by famine.

   Ministry of Foreign Affairs

   Asmara, 5 May 2000

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   Ethiopia refuses to sign OAU peace, rejects cease-fire
   May 3, 2000

   At the ongoing talks in Algiers, the Ethiopian government is refusing to sign the two substantive documents of the OAU peace plan, the Framework Agreement and the Modalities of Implementation. It had earlier rejected the details and sequencing of implementation incorporated in the Technical Arrangements.

   In the Algiers talks, Ethiopia has also rejected a cease-fire, which is the first and key provision of the OAU peace plan.

   Ethiopia's refusal to sign the documents does not only constitute a fundamental breach of the OAU peace plan endorsed at the Algiers OAU Summit, but it is also tantamount to putting a new precondition. Indeed, Ethiopia's refusal to sign the documents can only mean that is has not in reality accepted them.

   The two substantive documents unequivocally provide for the signature of the documents and a cease-fire agreement at the start of the talks, taking place for the first time between the two sides, in order to subsequently work out comprehensive details of implementation on the basis of these two documents (Articles 1 & 9 of the Framework Agreement and Articles 5 & 7 of the Modalities of Implementation). Signature of the documents and a cease-fire agreement at the start of the talks are vital steps that follow from faithful adherence to the provisions of the Framework Agreement and the Modalities of Implementation which have been endorsed by the OAU Summits.

   The proximity talks have been convened because Ethiopia rejected the Technical Arrangements worked out by experts from the OAU, UN, Algeria and the US. Both Eritrea and Ethiopia had given their words of honor in August last year to accept the Technical Arrangements as "a take it or leave it" document. Eritrea honored its respect and commitment to the OAU and accepted the Technical Arrangements, despite several reservations, when these were submitted to both sides in August last year. But Ethiopia reneged on its commitments and refused to accept the Technical Arrangements after eight months of delay.

   Ministry of Foreign Affairs
   Asmara, 3 May 2000