To Eritrea and Back - The Summer of 99
Berhe Habte-Giorgis
September 8, 1999

Part I. The Trip This Time

My trip to Eritrea this summer was the first one since the start of the war with the Weyane. Hence, I had many questions lurking at the back of my mind, when I landed in Eritrea. I knew this was not going to be a usual trip.

Eighteen months ago, the country I left was in peace and making big stride towards economic development and democratization. The Nakfa was introduced without any hitch. That meant Eritrea was to start making its own monetary policy and guide its economic future. The constitution was approved and an election commission created, paving the way for an elected government. With the introduction of the land law, the long-awaited construction boom was about to start and was expected to lift the country up to a higher economic plane.

However, for reasons becoming clear later, every progress Eritrea made was viewed negatively by our Ethiopian neighbors. The incessant, mean-spirited attacks against everything Eritrean and whatever good Eritrea did continued with increased vigor. Assertions that Eritrea is not economically viable started gaining momentum, despite the evidence to the contrary. Soon, it became evident that Ethiopian economists and scholars by portraying the Eritrean economy as a failure were trying to send a warning to any group in Ethiopia with separatist aims that small nations have no economic future.

At the government level, although nobody could have imagined high-intensity war to break out, it was obvious that relation between the two countries was deteriorating fast. In my posting in Dehai in January 1998, I expressed my frustration at the mistreatment of Eritrean passengers by Ethiopian Airlines and had urged Dehaiers to boycott the airline and to stop travelling to Ethiopia. Of course, that was not necessary, because a few months later, Ethiopia itself boycotted the Eritrean market. Eritreans constituted the largest single national market for the airline. Cut off from its most lucrative market, the airline must be swimming in the red. The government's decision could not have come at a worse time than when the airline started flying to North America.

Events proved that the Weyane were embarking on making a "historic compromise" with their arch-enemies in Ethiopia. Eritrea was to be used as the sacrificial lamb to sanctify the reconciliation. To win acceptance by the Amharas, the Weyanes attacked everything Eritrean, deported Eritreans in Ethiopia, stole their property, and vowed to destroy Eritrea and its government. They prepared a constitution for conquered Eritrea, complete with a Vichy government. Quislings of all hues beat track to Addis Ababa, and word has it that some of them were near the border area to accompany the Weyane forces in their expected triumphant entry into Asmara. The whole episode was comical for its absurdity and lack of practicality. Nevertheless, it was a great lesson for Eritreans how their neighbors, the Weyanes, could stoop to conquer their enemies and their propensity to sell out their friends in a heart beat. The Weyane used vitriolic anti-Eritrean propaganda to justify the war and dehumanize the Eritrean people as enemies not worth any sympathy from the Tigrayan people. The overarching objective was to gain acceptance by the Amharas. If Weyane support of Eritrean independence was the cause for hatred by the Amharas, they reasoned out that reversing their position should help them achieve reconciliation.

Booking a flight to Eritrea during the summer was very difficult. All flights were booked up to September. Luckily, there was Red Sea Air. All I had to do was make a connection in Dubai.

As I flew with Red Sea Air, I thought of the humble beginnings of Ethiopian Airlines. Although Red Sea Air has bright prospects, to succeed in attracting Eritrean customers in this competitive market, it has to open routes to Cairo, Khartoum, and Rome, which are gateways to Asmara. Recent announcements about arrangements with Emirate Airlines should make it easier to make international bookings for connecting flights without much delay. Nevertheless, new and bigger aircraft are needed to accommodate Eritrean passengers connecting flights from Europe and North America, and passengers originating in the Middle East. These aircrafts have higher capacity, are more economical to operate, use modern technology, and have more safety features than old models. If capital is the problem, it can be raised by selling shares to the public. Besides, airplanes can be purchased with good financing arrangements from exporters, such as the U.S. Export-Import (ExIm) Bank for American aircraft and equipment. Ethiopian Airlines got its jets the same way, and used revenue from Eritrean passengers to pay for them. Even the C-130s they use for ferrying troops and supplies to the Eritrean front were financed by the ExIm Bank.

Dubai is a state within the United Arab Emirates. It managed to forge a thriving modern economy without the usual bounty of oil or natural resources that characterize Persian Gulf States. The food in Dubai is good and shopping very cheap. Dubai is one of the cleanest, newest, affordable, and most peaceful cities I have ever seen. Right there I thought of Dubai as a city Massawa can emulate. That idea may make the Weyane heads spin with envy and give them one more aspiration to accuse us of. Now, in addition to wanting to become another Singapore, we may be accused of wanting to make Massawa another Dubai.


Part II. Public Perception and Reaction to the War

The trip to Eritrea helped me see and feel the current situation in Eritrea in its real perspective. As usual, a trip to Eritrea in time of war is something to experience and feel, but very difficult to express to others. Nevertheless, I will attempt to present my experience and feeling based on reality, the way I saw it.

The first surprise in arriving at Asmara was the new divided, two-lane highway to the city. With my curiosity aroused, I wiped the sleep off my face and went around the city. My primary interest was to see developments in the city and to meet Eritreans deported from Ethiopia. Everywhere I went I saw buildings that were started and finished during the eighteen months I have been away. There are many new restaurants and hotels that I had to make it a point to visit as many of them as possible before I leave the country. In short, the country hardly looks like one at war.

As for Eritreans deported from Ethiopia, what I saw is not what I expected. I was expecting to see many deported friends huddled in cafes engaged in the familiar endless discussions and arguments. I found out that most of them have started their own businesses or have jobs with the government and private sector. I had to go to some places in the evenings to meet people I was looking for. The few that I met had so much hatred of the Weyanes, and their Tigrayan camp followers. These camp followers are people who moved to Ethiopia with the ruling Weyane group after 1991. Others were residents in various parts of Ethiopia, but because of their Tigrayan identity, and possible connection with the new rulers, were given posts in the government or accorded special privileges in the private sector. In return, the camp followers treated the government as their own establishment and felt obliged to take any action to protect it. In addition, confiscation of Eritrean meant good booty for them. They played active roles in the deportation of Eritreans and stealing property belonging to Eritreans. Rumor has it that some of these notorious criminals have already started moving to the U.S. and Europe under the guise of foreign assignment. These are the rats that start to jump off board when the ship starts to sink.

Reality hits home when one inquires about specific individuals. Many are gone to Sawa or are already in the front. This war is both physically and psychologically close to Asmara. Every family has one or more of its members mobilized. The expression one gets from mothers and parents is that there is no nobler cause than defending the country and they are ready to put their lives on the line to do so. They all believe that the Weyane will have to be put in their right place for peace to reign. They have no illusion that the Weyane will opt for the peaceful process outlined by the OAU. The Weyane have to be decisively beaten and their army routed.

Invariably people tell me their concern is for Eritreans abroad who are far removed from the scene and may be worrying too much. They say the situation is different when viewed closely. After a while I was convinced that the situation made people develop hearts of steel. This feeling is based on the firm belief that the Weyane will never achieve their goals in Eritrea. Sure enough, the feeling was contagious. I forgot about the war immediately. I never listened to the radio or watched TV throughout my stay there. At first, I was excited to read the independent papers, but that too stopped.

People have strong opinion of what they think happened. They believe that the Weyane were out to repeat the traditional betrayal of Woldemichael (an Eritrean leader) by Alula and Yohannes (Tigrayan leader and king respectively). But, they say, Isaias is not Weldemichael. If the Weyane thought they could drive a wedge between Isaias and the people, their action has produced the opposite result. Weyane propaganda against Isaias has endeared him more to the people. People know he was made object of the wrath of the Weyane because the Weyane believe that the easiest way to defeat Eritrea was to weaken Isaias and the government. Isaias is the symbol of Eritrean forthrightness and steadfastness. He is the personification of the term "Eritrawinet". Every Eritrean that is worth his salt can see a bit of himself or herself in Isaias. The Weyane scoundrels that try to defame him are not even fit to tie the lace of his shoes. The affection that Eritreans in the U.S displayed to their leader is a reflection of the general feeling of our people at home.

Eritreans are baffled at the stupidity of the Weyane to go against the only people that stood by them in their time of need. Similarly, they cannot see the reason why the OAU, the UN, and the international community could not stop Ethiopian aggression. They are saddened at the U.S for failing to assert leadership and stop the Weyane from the very beginning. All they needed to do was tell the Weyanes that border issues are to be resolved by referring to existing treaties and official maps. Many mention some officials of the American government as responsible for fanning the flames of war. The behavior of the U.S. embassy in Addis Ababa is cited as particularly atrocious. When the Ethiopians started bragging how they were going to conquer Assab, U.S. diplomats started betting on the number of days it will take. Ethiopians who are agents of the U.S espionage agencies, masquerading as NGOs, are advising Ethiopian security and military agencies in their war against Eritrea and persecution of Eritreans in Ethiopia. Many Eritreans talk about the mistreatment they received by U.S embassy personnel in Addis Ababa the moment their Eritrean identity is known. I tried in vain to explain that the ambassador in Addis was, what one would call in the U.S., a loose cannon and not a good representative of U.S. government policy towards Eritrea. Whatever the case, they say the U.S emboldened the Weyane to continue in their intransigence and aggression against Eritrea. For the second time now, they believe, the U.S. has the the possibility of averting a distrous war by taking a firmer stand. President Clinton enjoys immense support and confidence and is perceived to be fair.

Although peaceful resolution is the only viable option out of the impasse, few believe the Weyane will agree to that. The reason is simple. A demarcation process will reaffirm Eritrea's claim of where the border is. Weyane claim that Eritrea invaded Ethiopia will be proven false. The result will be loss of credibility. The Ethiopian people may also start asking the question why they were made to pay all the sacrifice. In a year of elections, even though the elections are rigged and not to be taken seriously, legitimacy of the Weyane government may become a serious issue. Simple protests and demonstrations can end up as ground swells of mass disobedience. Eventually, the Weyane may lose grip on power and driven back to their enclave, if they are lucky. After all, Ethiopia has seen the demise of powerful rulers such as Haile Selassie, in what was then called as the creeping coup.

Eritreans are aware of what their compatriots abroad are doing to support relatives at home and the country's defense and development effort, organizing marches and demonstrations throughout the world. At certain moments, they say, these were the only bright news coming from outside the country. Everybody's chest swells with pride at the realization that Eritreans, wherever they might be, will always stand up together whenever their country is threatened. The most quoted statement is one made by a Weyane spokesperson, Salome I think, that every Eritrean abroad is an ambassador of his or her country. This is my favorite topic because I can have an input instead of being a passive listener. I tell them how involved young Eritreans that have not even been to Eritrea are. I tell them the story of Feven in Philadelphia who was in the Philadelphia Inquirer blasting the media for having double standards - ignoring the plight of Eritrean deportees and the war while they pay so much attention to the situation in the Balkans.

Dehai is another darling of Eritreans. The name assumes mythical proportions. Again, I am in familiar territory, and was at liberty to act as Dehai's ambassador in Eritrea. Always mindful of some of my Dehai friends' admonishment that we are not doing as much as we ought to, I tell them what goes on in Dehai, the various campaigns we conducted, the different organizations and their activities. I tell them that Dehai is a cyber sword of truth that cuts through the webs of lies concocted by Salome and Weyane hired pens.

One commonly heard complaint about Dehai is that there are too many acrimonious and trivial postings. They also feel repetitive postings and cross postings take so much time to download and read. As a result, many have now turned away from Dehai. I wish Dehaiers would pay attention to the concerns of readers at home and each one of us refrain from doing things that turn off our dear readers at home.


Part III. Economic and Social Development

Perhaps one of the best-kept secrets of the government is the level of economic growth that has been taking place in the country. They must have been holding the information for a big surprise. Everywhere one goes there is new construction of residential and industrial buildings, major construction projects, and agricultural programs. Invariably, all Eritreans I talked to tell me about the progress that could have been attained had it not been for the interruption of the war. The setback encountered is considered not significant. As a matter of fact, the country has developed a means of continuing the progress while preparations for the war are still going on. In some aspects, there is more activity going on than in time of peace. Cities like Massawa, Debaroa, Dekemhare, are like children growing fast, one has to make effort to register the present. A few years from now, they will bear little resemblance to what they were.

The most visible activity is in construction. Airports at Sawa and Massawa, the Tokor dam, and the Hirgigho power generating plant are the major ones. Improvement and asphalting of existing roads and the construction of hundreds of kilometers of new roads is taking place. Schools and clinics building is continuing throughout the countryside. Old manufacturing enterprises are being privatized and new ones crop up everywhere. The environs of Asmara and Dekemhare are bustling with new factories. Debaroa is emerging as a new industrial town. Massawa leads the way to making Eritrea a major fish exporter. There is a modern fish processing and packing plant already in operation. Shrimp and fish farms are at the developmental stages, together with salicornia (sea water plant) farm. The American expert in charge of this project told me that he developed interest in Eritrea at the behest of a young Eritrean named Almaz Negash. Almaz, after attending a presentation the expert gave on the company's activities in some countries, asked him to do the same thing in Eritrea. Almaz, if you are in Dehai, you are a perfect example of what all of us ought to be doing. I ask Dehaiers to join me in commending Almaz for being a good ambassador of her country

Massawa is undergoing a metamorphosis that will transform it into the most modern city in Eritrea. Availability of limitless land and proximity to the sea make Massawa unique from other land-starved cities. Part of the slum in Amatere neighborhood of Massawa is being replaced by modern villas and duplexes. The new administrative and residential buildings in Edaga have changed the panorama of the city, seen from the sea. The new power generating plant at Hirgigho is a monument to the commitment Eritrea is making to modernization and development. The wide tree-lined boulevards speak eloquently of the new Massawa. Air conditioning and modern facilities make the heat tolerable. With the country following export oriented economic policy, Massawa is destined to be the hub of transportation and commerce. Much to the chagrin of old Asmarinos, Massawa is going to be the city of the future. Soon it will claim its old name "the Pearl of the Red Sea".

Currently, Eritrea can find export market for everything it produces. For industrial products, low cost and high quality are the thrusts necessary to survive global competition. Quality includes proper finishing and packaging, an area where Eritrean products are woefully lacking. Low price can be achieved by modernizing the antiquated machinery of existing manufacturing enterprises, and going for state of the art technology when establishing new ones. Modern production and quality management techniques along with sophisticated marketing will be necessary for Eritrea to be competitive. That means the focus of management education in Eritrea ought to be the technical aspects of management of economic enterprises instead of public administration orientation and public policy management, a legacy of the beaureaucratic style of management inherited from Ethiopia .

The agreement for introducing the Internet was signed while I was in the country. Although the move is awfully late, it is good to see that Eritrea has finally come on board. I guess it is always better late than never. In the information era, information is the most valuable resource. Mastery of information technology will accelerate the rate of economic development. Hence, computer literacy and proficiency should be given high priority in the educational curriculum, at all levels. Ways should be found out to make the computer available and accessible in the country. Acquisition of new knowledge and transfer of technology should be priority area for foreign aid and assistance. Exempting computers for educational purposes from import duties, or even starting assembling them in the country are some of the domestic solutions. Encouraging Eritreans and friends of Eritrea to go to Eritrea, even for limited periods of time, to help in the computerization process should be seriously looked into. Individuals should take the initiative and find ways how they can make themselves useful in this regard. Whatever obstacles encountered have to be tackled as they arise.

While in Nairobi, I saw an announcement in a local paper about PhD scholarships in physics and aero-space technology offered by Italy. The scholarships were offered on behalf of the Ministry of Defense of Kenya. It is not difficult to imagine the role of technology in neighboring countries like Kenya a few years from now. What I am saying is going high tech is not even an option. It is a sine-qua-non for our existence.

Although there are no data to support it, the mobilization of the young people into the military is bound to have some effect on the economy. The two areas to be affected are shortage of labor and demand for consumer goods and services. To tackle the labor problem, women are encouraged to move into the labor force and pick up the slack, very much in line with the tradition of "Rosie the Riveter" in the U.S. during WWII. Under-populated Eritrea is not new to the employment of women to boost up its ranks. The return of thousands of Eritreans from Ethiopia partially helps ameliorate the problem. The government is deploying tractors and combined harvesters to solve manpower problems in the agricultural sector and to boost up production. If the rains continue up to the end of the month, a record level of output is expected. The addition of 60,000 consumers (deportees from Ethiopia), with higher per capita consumption rate than the young draftees, certainly helps in offsetting the slackening demand. Weyane expectation that the Eritrean economy was to give in under protracted war of attrition goes to the trash bin along with the other assumptions they made about the Eritrean situation. Investment from Eritreans living abroad will be necessary to continue the historic economic rate of growth achieved so far. Real estate is the basis of any economy. I hope, soon, Eritreans will start building residential and rental homes in large numbers, thereby bringing hard currency to the country and at the same time help solve the housing problem. A boom in the real estate sector will buoy the economy several notches up.

Eritreans from all walks of life, age, and gender are putting a lot of pressure on the government to take action against Ethiopians residing in Eritrea. They say the right to live and work in one country should be accompanied with a quid-pro-quo from the other. Obviously, this is a morally and politically sensitive issue and I decide to refrain from making any further comments. I have confidence in the fact that the government will make the right decision. Nevertheless, I am of the opinion that the question of military service obligations deserves immediate attention. Conscription into the military should apply to citizens and all foreigners that live in the country. Example, the U.S. draft obligation applied to citizens and permanent residents.


Part IV. Tsorona and Questions of War and Peace.

The highlight of my entire trip was a visit to the front at Tsorona. The road from Dekemhare passes through Mai Edaga, Mai Aini, and scores of other villages. Half way down the road, we entered the Hazemo plain, a vast expanse of land covering hundreds of square kilometers. Together with the adjacent plain of Serae, Hazemo constitutes a rich agricultural area that grows "taff" and varieties of other crops. A seasonal river runs through the plain. A half-finished dam indicates the possibility of making this area the bread basket of the region.

Hazemo is surrounded by horseshoe ring of mountains with the open side facing the Ethiopian border. At the entrance of the plain stands Mount Tekilo (Emba Tekilo), guarding access to the plain. Mount Tekilo's shape changes, depending on which side one is looking from. It was reassuring to me to see the natural defense Eritrean mountains provide.


Emba Tekilo (Mt. Tekilo)


Enternace to Hazomo Plains


Hazomo Plains

Tsorona, the town itself, is about 10 miles from the border. It is a small town in the midst of a rich agricultural area. Because of shelling and air bombardment, it was abandoned since the start of the war. Although the front is known as Tsorona, the particular place where the deadliest battle took place is called Igri Mekhel, a small village of a collection of "hidmo" that is less than a mile from the border.

The site of the trenches brought the pictures of Ethiopian dead that we all saw in the papers and on TV. I could not believe I was standing on the very ground where the Weyane were meted out the biggest punishment in their entire history. To be in the presence of the gallant Eritrean fighters in the hallowed ground, where Eritrean mettle was put to test and prevailed, is uniquely sensational. The place reminds one of the burning bush telling Moses he was standing on holy ground and should take his shoes off. I have no doubt that Tsorona has secured its place in the history of Eritrea. I kept walking up and down, climbing on the rusty enemy tanks, hardly able to contain my excitement. As I took pictures, I kept telling the gallant fighters that the spot we were standing on is one of the best-known places outside Eritrea. I also looked at Igri Mekhel and remembered this was the village our perceptive Ghidewon wrote a poem about. After some hours, it was a sad reality that I had to leave the place and return to Asmara. The guilt feeling of leaving the young fighters behind was simply overpowering. As I see pictures of the same people in the Philadelphia Inquirer, the same feeling comes back. I tried to imagine the place at the time fighting was going on. It must have been a veritable hell right from Dante's Inferno. Now, the eerie atmosphere gives the impression of Anne-Marie Remarque's "All Quiet on the Western Front", hiding all the suffering and death of thousands in this very field.



Igri Mekhel six months later


With EDF fighters at Egri Mekhel

The battle itself is a manifestation of bravery at the individual fighter level and smart leadership at the top. It will take time for the true history to be written and all the details to come out. Nevertheless, I kept on thinking about the countless acts of individual bravery that must have been committed during this war. In other armies, performance beyond the call of duty is recognized as act of bravery and awarded medals of valor. In Eritrea, the tradition is that for the country to accomplish feats that by any standard may be considered impossible, every fighter performs beyond the call of duty. It is, therefore, difficult to differentiate one fighter from the other. In Eritrea, every fighter is a hero.

I remember a nineteen-year old Eden Yihdego who was riding with us from Beleza to Asmara. We had to tactfully cajole her to tell us the cause of her limp. Reluctantly, she told us how she was carrying a wounded comrade in Badme and was hit with a grenade fragment. Then she went back to the same spot, picked up another wounded comrade and carried him to safety. Eden volunteered to go to Sawa and the war. She can hardly wait to get in shape to go back to the front. Eden is the average Eritrean fighter - she is a hero.


Eden Yihdego and Alemseghed Tesfai

As we marvel at the bravery of our fighters of today, we could not help going back to the war of liberation and remember the gallantry of our fighters. In this regard we remembered the story of one tank gunner in the Battle of Afabet who made history when he hit the lead vehicle at Adi Shirum at in impassable point from a distant point. What followed was destruction of an entire armor column that was rushing to break the encirclement of the corps headquarters.

One difference between the 'tegadelti' of yesteryear and Sawa tigers (fondly called "Warsai") is in the uniform. Warsai are clad in camouflage uniform and many have heavy boots. The women have their hair braided and rolled at the back, quite different from the female tegadelti that sported cropped Afro hairdo, wore jeans, and carried their hand grenades in their ammunition pouches.

The bodies that we saw on the parapet of the trenches are now covered with earth. Arms, boots and legs jut out here and there. In the killing ground itself, pieces of old uniform mark the sites where the bodies lie. Occasional whiff of odor serves as a reminder that it is still too early for the stench of the killing field to go away. I was told that at the farthest end of the field are bodies of Tigrayan women carrying drums. They were accompanying the Weyane attackers.




Graves of unacknowledged non-Tigrean Ethiopian Soldiers that were used as human-mine-sweepers


I asked the Eritrean fighters if they realize the historical significance of this battle. They all shrug their shoulders and tell me that all they know is that the enemy invaded our country and we had to stop him. I can see how intense exposure to the cruelties of war has made them mature beyond their age. Coming to think of it, it was these young boys and girls that defeated the Weyane army. They remain prepared to foil any further attacks.

The victory at Tsorona has much more significance than the number of enemy dead and tanks destroyed. The Weyane, with their heads swollen at a minor advance they made at Badme, wanted to apply the same tactics of human wave attack to make a breakthrough at a point where they thought brings them closer to Asmara than any other point, and is difficult to defend. A breakthrough at Tsorona was expected to enable them to make a run for Asmara and to open the routes to Mendefera and Zalambessa. In short, the war would be over in no time. A closer look at the terrain shows that this assumption is not different from the other pipe dreams of the Weyanes. Without going into details, suffice it to say that the fate of Eritrea did not hang on that one battle. For that matter, the terrain in Eritrea is such that no setback on any front can seriously compromises the defense of the country. So, the Weyane should give up the dream of piercing Eritrean defenses and racing towards Asmara.

Tsorona was a turning point in the way the world viewed the war and the balance of power between the two warring nations. Exaggerated display of exuberance by Ethiopians after Badme, and the international media's failure to understand the true significance of the Eritrean withdrawal, made the world believe that the anticipated victory of a bigger country over a small one has come. Immediately, the Weyane changed their tone and started formulating winner- takes-all types of terms of surrender. Not only was the war fought using WWI tactics, but the end was to come with a Weyane-style Treaty of Versailles. Some Ethiopian nuts started demanding crushing Eritrea, while others wanted to take Assab. Consumption of the drug "chat" (kat) is rampant in Ethiopia. I never knew users of this drug would be stoned to such an extent. The offensive at Tsorona was launched in the "mirghana chebsi" (ultimate high) state of hallucination the Ethiopians were in.

After Tsorona, Weyane ability to launch major offensives was blunted, and their fighting spirit crushed. The whole world, including Ethiopians, saw the truth. Even Salome's lies could not hide what happened. The lesson learned at Tsorona was, don't mess with Eritrea. Tsorona is a reminder to the Weyane of what their fate will be if they continue their warmongering and aggression against Eritrea. Foul-mouthed spokesmen of the Weyane, such as Abay Tsehaye, are comfortable to send young Ethiopians to their death, while they themselves are as far away as possible from harms way. Weyane leaders treat the Ethiopian people as expendable resources; resources that are in abundance, and hence have no value. In economics scarcity is one of the conditions for considering a commodity an economic good and command of a market value. The oft-repeated statement by Weyane leaders is that they are going to continue the war for generations, no matter what the cost. They also say that they have a limitless source of manpower to match the efficiency of the Eritrean meat grinder. Tsorona puts the stakes of such gamble so high that even the Weyanes cannot afford, because the Ethiopian people, sooner or later, are going to tell them -- Enough is Enough.


Conclusion

  1. From my trip I learned that Eritreans at home have a clear understanding of that the Weyane intend, if they can, to destroy Eritrea as an independent country. The older generation is not surprised by Weyane betrayal and meanness. They blame the young generation for trusting the Weyane.

  2. Eritrean economy is on solid ground and continues to make steady, but slower progress than in the prewar period. Once peace is restored, development will continue with added vigor and the country is going to be catapulted into a higher economic plane. Employment of women in industry, mechanization of peasant agriculture, and other astute measures taken by the government will enable Eritrea to continue fighting for years to come, should the Weyane decide to continue the war.

  3. Eritrea enjoys solid natural defense lines with good depth. Weyane assumption of Eritrean vulnerability and their dream of puncturing a hole in any of the fronts and then make a run to Asmara is just a "chat" hallucination. No single front opens up the defense of the country and exposes the capital to enemy.