Dear Dr. Aklilu:

I read your letter with a lot of interest. I was hoping you would address the substance of my article--the degree to which the OAU has failed to bring us together. Instead you went on a recitation of what you regard as the failings of my government and its alleged culpability for the horrendous war.

I don't know why I was disappointed. But I was. You gave me a rehash of the charges your government has been spewing out from day one of the crisis. Yet we Eritreans are often accused of reflecting our government's view. How unfair.

I am yet to come across a non Oromo Ethiopian intellectual who does not regurgitate the Ethiopian official line on Eritrea. Just yesterday, I attended a meeting of Ethiopians and Eritreans who met in Washington to explore ways of stopping the bloodshed. I went in to the meeting with a lot of hope. I left with my hopes dashed. We lack a common vocabulary to address the problem. But address we must, for we have to live together, if not as chummy friends, at least as decent neighbors.

My article was on the failings of the OAU. You wrote about my government's alleged culpability. You changed the subject.

You could demonize my government all you want, but you have to remember this about us Eritreans: we know the conflict has very little to do with Badme or other disputed areas. The conflict has everything to do with the reannexation of Eritrea. Your minority government and the assorted opposition groups who may not agree on anything, are lustful towards our ports. This much we know.

A lot of innocent people, from both sides of the border, have died in this stupid war, primarily because your Prime Minster would not talk face to face with my President in resolving the problem. Before you tell me about Prime Minister Meles's preconditions, ask yourself whether a wounded national pride--if that's what it was-- was worth the loss of tens of thousands of lives, yours and ours. I don't think so. If you have close blood relatives in the frontlines, as I do, then you would have to agree with me that whatever it was that made the Prime Minister inflexible in the face of international demand for a cease-fire, the loss of lives cannot be justified.

The OAU and others stepped in because your people said no to face to face discussions. It matters very little whether the OAU came in as a mediator or facilitator. The semantics are not important here. What's important is that after four months of Eritrea's acceptance of the OAU Framework Agreements, the OAU made no attempt to call on Ethiopia to start implementing the Frameworks Addis Ababa had already agreed. In the mean time, Ethiopia made several attempts at invading Eritrea, while the OAU looked on. I don't need to tell you how many people have perished because of OAU's refusal to do its duty. This is where I find the OAU's inaction most objectionable and for which the OAU would have to assume responsibility.

What I find amazing is, even now, the OAU, especially the Secretariat, is going out of its way to accommodate Ethiopia's interest. It has embarked on a dangerous journey of altering the Frameworks to suit Ethiopia's new demands. The OAU is taking sides, and if you don't see it, Dr Aklilu, it is because it's standing too close to you, on your corner of the ring, right behind you.

You have to explain to me--if you can-- Dr Aklilu, why you thought the two Campaore letters were saying the same thing. Now you know they did not. The May 8 letter had already defined the territories as Ethiopian, the second letter said it would not prejudge the ownership. You said it matters not what the territories are called as long as Eritrea pulls out. How clever. We should not play games. Lives, thousands and thousands, are at stake.

You have to explain to me--if you can--Dr Aklilu, why a letter addressed to President Issaias ended up in Washington before the President received it. You have to explain to me, why it took the letter almost three weeks to get to Asmara. Please tell me why the translations the Eritrean government requested were never sent, but were leaked to the Ethiopian members of the international press.

You have to explain to me--if you can--Dr Aklilu, how and why the Ethiopian government got copies of the two letters to President Isaias when they were not carbon copied to anyone. This is a serious matter. A few days ago your government briefly displayed the purloined letters in the government's web page.

You have to explain to me--if you can--Dr Aklilu, how "Badme and its immediate surrounding" could incorporate Bure, a good one thousand kilometers away ?

You wrote in your letter how Eritrea has hit the brick wall, militarily and diplomatically. Frankly I don't know what you are talking about. I thought you were a bit better informed. Kindly recheck the military situation. A lot has happened since February 26, events your government has not admitted to its own people. As for diplomacy, Eritrea's position is stronger than Ethiopia's. Unless you assume the OAU Secretariat is the center of the diplomatic universe, the world community has been calling on Ethiopia to agree to an unconditional cease-fire. Eritrea has already agreed. I am certain you have heard of the Security Council's resolution, the pleas from the White House, the Vatican, the European Union--all calling on Ethiopia to accept Eritrea's offer for an unconditional cease-fire. Even the OAU Framework Agreements call for a cease-fire. My dear friend, before you repeat your government's falsehoods, you are better off checking the facts yourself.

The OAU has been inept and ineffective. Leaking documents here and there, sitting on documents that should have been sent to Eritrea, passing on to Ethiopia letters meant for President Isaias, is a willful act of irresponsibility. These were the substance of my complaints about the OAU. I complained about the illicit, perhaps even incestuous relationship between the OAU Secretariat and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia.

You and I can debate for as long as you want about the culpability for this war. There will be enough to talk about since there are lots of charges and counter charges we can hurl at each other. As academics we can do this sort of things fairly well. We should not, Dr Aklilu , have to ask each other to explain or defend each government's behavior since this miserable war started. The governments have spokespersons who are good at this sort of thing.

But if you insist that we do, then I warn you my friend, you will be at a disadvantage. You see Dr Aklilu, it will not be me who would have to explain the unexplainable; defend the indefensible. It would be tough, very tough, to defend the moral moorings of a government that swaps its own people for cash and arms; that uses unfavored ethnic groups as cannon fodders; that denies the Tserona and Badme carnage; that deports its citizens including the aged and the crippled because of their ancestral heritage. If I were you, Dr Aklilu, I would keep my day job. I would not compete for Ms Salome Tadesse's job.