1. From the outset of the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict, Ethiopia has been constantly and consistently threatening to go to war if it did not have its way. Ethiopian officials have been open about their desire to solve the conflict by force. Here is a sample:
   • Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi: "A nation's fate in war depends on its ability to mobilize resources. Eritrea's ability to mobilize will decrease as the crisis continues whereas ours will increase."-- The Guardian, June 19, 1998

   • Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi: "[Ethiopia] would teach Eritrea a lesson..." --Reuters, June 23,1998

   • Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin: "If the conflict is not resolved peacefully soon, it will not be long before the government and leadership of Shabia (EPLF) are buried in the holes that they themselves have dug."— Radio Tigray, Dec. 16, 1998

      

2. Before the ink of the OAU’s Frame Work for Agreements dried, Ethiopian officials declared it "as good as dead," and announced to the world that the only option remaining for them was to force Eritrea out of "disputed areas" which happen to fall, invariably, inside Eritrea's borders.
   • Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin: "warned that the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea was at a ‘critical’ stage, saying: ‘It is now only what those who are in a position to bring effective and meaningful pressure to bear on Eritrea are prepared to do, which will decide whether there is a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Otherwise, the peace effort can be considered as good as dead.’" -- Agence France Presse, January 11, 1999

   • Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi: "Warfare between Ethiopia and Eritrea over their disputed border could resume ‘any day’." -- Agence France Presse, Feb 2, 1999

   • "Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi warned in an interview with AFP on Tuesday that large-scale warfare could resume ‘any day.’" – AFP, Friday, Feb 5.

3. For months, Ethiopia has been making public its war preparations. Frequent declarations of readiness to "rout the enemy" and the now fabled proclamation that they would "teach Eritrea a lesson" are only a few examples of Ethiopia's willingness to speak so recklessly about war.
   • The Speaker of Ethiopia's parliament, Almaz Meko: "Until now we have been preparing ourselves [to attack]. Now, we believe we have made enough preparations." -- Reuters, July 17, 1998

   • The President of Ethiopia, Negaso Gidada: "The use of force will come at the time when the government believes is right." -- The Ethiopian Herald, September 11, 1998

4. On Friday, February 5^th, Ethiopia concocted a story that alleges Eritrean planes bombed Adi Grat and accused Eritrea of violating the U.S.-brokered moratorium.
   • "The Ethiopian government said Eritrean fighter planes bombed the northern town of Adigrat close to their disputed border on Friday. Government spokeswoman Selome Taddesse said two Eritrean planes launched the attack on a fuel depot and the surrounding area in Adigrat at about 10:45 a.m. (0745 GMT). Today's attack by Eritrea is a flagrant violation of the U.S.-brokered moratorium agreed to by Ethiopia and Eritrea in June of 1998,'' Selome said in a statement on Friday." -- Reuters, Feb 5, 1999

5. Since then the above out right deception has been internationally recognized as a complete fabrication and Ethiopia’s inherent intent to attack and to abrogate the U.S.-brokered moratorium has been exposed.
   • "The alleged bombing by Eritrean warplanes of Adigrat could not be independently confirmed. Several people staying in Adigrat, contacted by phone, have said they were unaware of any raid." -- AFP, Feb 5, 1999.

   • "A hotel guest in the town [Adi Grat] said he had not heard any sound of explosion. ``There is peace in Adigrat,'' he said by telephone." -- Reuters, February 5th, 1999.

   • "The Government of Ethiopia has stated that the Government of Eritrea has bombed the northern Ethiopian town of Adigrat. The Government of Eritrea denies the charge. At present, we have no independent evidence to confirm that such a strike took place. We are seeking additional information." -- James P. Rubin, Spokesman of the U.S. State Department, February 5, 1999

6. To date Ethiopia has 'sealed off' ADI GRAT to media and journalists, cutting off any road or telecommunication access so as to curb the flow of information about their deception and offensive plans against Eritrea.
   • "Ethiopia has so far not allowed journalists to visit battle zones along the 1,000-km (600-mile) border." -- Reuters, Feb. 8, 1999.

7. Twenty four hours prior to their February 6th attack, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs instructed all its missions abroad to be on alert and to await "very important news within the next 24 hours." Ethiopian forces attacked Eritrean positions at 06:00 hours on Saturday morning, February 6, 1999.
   • "Ethiopian and Eritrean army units clashed along their disputed border Saturday as the neighboring Horn of Africa nations moved closer to all-out war. Government officials on both sides said the fighting began around 6 a.m. (0300 GMT) in the border area of Badme…. Ethiopian government spokeswoman Selome Taddesse said its … forces were ``locked in fierce battle" --. Reuters, Feb 06, 1999

   • "The stage was set by angry official rhetoric that reached its highest pitch in the last month and by recent statements by Ethiopian officials that the war could begin "within days." Karl Vick, Washington Post, Sunday, February 7, 1999; Page A23.

8. Despite its promise to the U.S. government, Ethiopia has now declared its abrogation of the air moratorium based on its fallacious claim that Eritrea attacked Adi Grat. Since Feb. 6 it has repeatedly used air power and as a result has killed 13 civilians (8 in Adi Quala and 5 in Laalai Dieda.) It has also attempted (so far thre times) to bomb the Eritrean Port of Assab’s Water Reservoire.
   • "DIANNA CAHN IN ERITREA'S CAPITAL, ASMARA, REPORTS ETHIOPIA ADMITTED THE USE OF FIGHTER PLANES IN ITS LATEST ATTACKS VIOLATED A MORATORIUM ON AIR STRIKES IMPOSED IN JUNE."—VOA Feb. 8, 1999.

   • "An Ethiopian helicopter gunship fired rockets at Eritrean positions and a MiG fighter jet and an Antonov transport plane were also supporting Ethiopian troops." -- David Fox, Reuters, Feb. 8, 1999.

   • "Ethiopian helicopter gunships strafed the rocky outcrops, trying to dislodge Eritrean troops dug in at Geza Gera Sellaasie on the disputed border." -- Lucy Hannan, The Independent, Feb. 9, 1999.

   • "Selome said the Ethiopian air force had played ``an instrumental role''in fighting off the Eritreans - a counteroffensive that would violate a moratorium on airstrikes brokered last June by President Clinton." -- KHALED KAZZIHA, Associated Press, Feb. 9, 1999.

   • "An Ethiopian plane bombed an Eritrean village full of homeless people Tuesday, killing at least five civilians as it escalated the border dispute in northeast Africa. An Associated Press photographer and television cameraman watched an Ethiopian Antonov aircraft drop two bombs just before dawn Tuesday on the village of Lailaideda, where Eritrean civilians deported from Ethiopia had taken refuge."-- Dianna Cahn, Associated Press, Tuesday, February 9, 1999.

   • "A wire service reporter said an Ethiopian bomber killed five civilians and wounded five others in one pre-dawn air raid on an Eritrean village near the disputed border. Ethiopia has so far not allowed journalists to visit battle zones along the 600-mile border." -- CBS, GEZA GERELASIE, Tuesday, February 09,1999.

   • "In Addis Ababa, an Ethiopian government communique acknowledged the loss of the helicopter, but said fighter bombers and other helicopters had returned safely to base. As the area is without water supplies, the destruction of this enemy water reserve is particularly significant," -- Agence France-Presse , Feb 14, 1999

   • "Ethiopian jets dropped at least six bombs at a water reservoir outside the key port of Assab in eastern Eritrea on Tuesday, but missed their target" -- Associated Press, Feb 16, 1999

9. Ethiopia attempted to break Eritrean lines of defence in four fronts along the 1000 km border but it has failed miserably. Eyewitnesses not withstanding, Ethiopia attempted to deceive the world that it has captured "Geza Gherhelase", "Konin" and "Kunito" but they were all found to be, like the "ADI GRAT BOMBING", pure fabrications.
   • "Reuters correspondents on two military fronts saw intense artillery exchanges throughout Monday but said the Eritreans were in high spirits and were holding their positions. Eritrea appeared in control at the disputed border post of Gazagerehlase, which Ethiopia says it seized over the weekend. Ethiopia has so far not allowed journalists to visit battle zones along the 1,000-km (600-mile) border but officials disputed the validity of witness testimony in Gazagerehlase. ‘It is totally untrue that the Eritreans hold Gazagerehlase,’ government spokeswoman Selome Taddesse told Reuters in Addis Ababa. ‘The truth will come out in the end.’ " -- David Fox, Reuters, GAZAGEREHLASE, on Ethiopia-Eritrea border, Feb 8

   • "The Eritrean troops dug in between the rocky outcrops above the village of Gezagerehlase seem as determined now as they were eight months ago to hold their positions." -- Cathy Jenkins in Badme, BBC, Feb. 8, 1999.

   • "Ethiopia claims to have captured the strategic village of Kinuto during the fighting but Colonel Makkonen denied this, using a map to point out the ridge just two km away. He invited journalists to drive to the area but shelling of the road interrupted the journey as the Ethiopians used the plume of dust thrown up by the vehicle as a sight for their artillery." -- Alexander Last, Reuters, HADDISH ADI, Eritrea, Feb 11

   • "Amid the devastation and death, morale was high among Eritrean troops, who said they were determined to stop the Ethiopians from retaking the contested Yirga triangle, 95 miles southwest of the Eritrean capital, Asmara, and the largest of a half-dozen disputed areas. At the Geza Gerelasie battlefield… the bodies of two Ethiopian soldiers found in an Eritrean trench could have easily been mistaken for those of Eritreans, except Ethiopian soldiers wear boots, and their enemies wear sandals. `They were very brave and deserved to be respected,' Eritrean Lt. Col. Ogbai Besaamalakh said of the two Ethiopians killed in battle." -- KHALED KAZZIHA, Associated Press, GEZA GERELASIE, Tuesday February 9, 1999.

   • "Selome [Ethiopian Spokesperson] also denied Eritrean reports that their forces still hold Geza Gerelasie - known to Ethiopeans as Geza Gersale - even after journalists visited the village Monday with Eritrean officials." -- DIANNA CAHN, Associated Press, Feb 09 1999.

   • "According to eyewitnesses Ethiopian forces have been unable to dislodge Eritrean forces on two warfronts southwest and southeast of the Eritrean capital" — Deutsche Presse-Agentur, Tuesday, Feb. 16, 1999.

   • "There are no soldiers nor guns in Geza Gerlase, a "stronghold" snatched back from Eritreans. Colonel Nemo commands this battle front. His name is fictitious; he does not want to reveal his real name "for security reasons", he states."We all know each other very well, after 17 years of fighting together as allies. Now that we are enemies, I think it's sensible not to let Eritreans know I am here. They know me too well and know my way of thinking. This could give them great advantage". Similar and equally bizarre security reasons have motivated the military people of Addis Abeba to bring journalists over here only yesterday, ten days after the beginning of a conflict, which, seen from inside Ethiopia, seems quite atypical. The big battle" of 6 February seem to have left no sign on the hills. It is also somehow strange that the Eritreans could have attacked from such a markedly unfavourable and exposed position (from the bottom to the top) with no obvious reasons…. And why, I wonder, did the Eritreans withdraw "behind the hills, back to their base" instead of the top ridge of the hill?… No traces of track vehicles can be seen, or even of one of those fortifications the Eritreans would have built, had they really owned a stronghold here. Moreover, what kind of stronghold would this be, without even a single track? This is not a singled out case in which things don't add up. Generally, to wage wars, there is a need of soldiers, a large number of soldiers. Also guns, a big quantity of guns. There are no soldiers here, those around are very few indeed, and the guns are almost totally absent, with the exception of about thirty cases scattered on one side of the track… The real "proof" of an Eritrean presence finally reveals itself, after a long and accurate search: a sack of abandoned bread. "You see, we do not eat this kind of bread, we only eat biscuits", says the Lieutenant pointing at a pile of boxes. However that bread is the same as the one that is served at the Commercial Hotel of Inda Selase, the town which functioned as the base for this excursion to the front." -- Lanfranco Vaccari, Etiopia-Eritrea -- In trincea e guerra fantasma, Corriere della Sera, Tuesday, 16 February 1999,:

10. The war that Ethiopia has declared on Eritrea is not actually being waged on behalf of Ethiopia, but on behalf of the Expansionist province of Tigray.
    • "Four Ethiopian prisoners of war sat in a shelter not far from the front. They are from far-flung corners of Ethiopia, and say the war is "not ours". Kadir Abdulkadir, 16, from Jigiga, the Somali region of Ethiopia, says he was forcibly recruited from school. Abbas Mohamed, an Oromo, says he surrendered - "the Ethiopian government is only fighting for itself"." -- Lucy Hannan, The Independent., Feb. 9, 1999.

    • "A dozen Ethiopian prisoners sat on the battlefield after they had surrendered, saying the war was not theirs. `This is a Tigrayan war,' said one, referring to the people of Ethiopia's northern Tigray region, whose guerrilla army helped oust dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991 and now control the country." -- KHALED KAZZIHA, Associated Press, GEZA GERELASIE, February 1999.

    • "Ethiopian soldiers who had surrendered to the Eritreans at Geza Gerelasie told reporters the war was an affair of the Tigrayan people who live in northern Ethiopia along the disputed border. It was the Tigrayan militia that clashed with Eritrean troops in Badme last May 6, igniting the dispute that had been simmering since Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993." -- DIANNA CAHN, Associated Press, Feb 09 1999.

11. Even after all what happened on the weekend of Feb. 6, Ethiopian authorities are still threatening of another full scale war.
    • Ethiopian President Negaso Gidada: "Addis Ababa would stop its ‘self-defence military activity’ only when Eritrea accepted the OAU peace plan and made a "meaningful move for its implementation,’" -- BBC World Service - The Week in Review, Wednesday, February 10, 1999

    • Ethiopia's Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin: "stated in Addis Ababa that ‘war will continue unless Eritrea implements the OAU Peace Proposal.’" -- War On The Horn, AANA, NAIROBI, 12 February 1999.

    • Ethiopia has criticised the international community for failing to put more pressure on Eritrea to accept the OAU plan and diplomats say it seems committed to resolving the dispute by military means."-- Reuters,Feb 19, 1999.

12. To carry their war of aggression against Eritrea, Ethiopians have hired several mercenaries. Here is an admission by the Ethiopian Prime Minister and another press report.
    • "The prime minister also disclosed, for the first time, that foreign military experts were in Ethiopia." -- Bertrand Rosenthal, AFP, Feb 3, 1999.

    • "TUCKED away at the far end of the airstrip at Mekele , the provincial capital of Tigre and northern command headquarters of the Ethiopian Air Force, a glearing Russian-made Sukhoi 27 fighter-bomber stood on the concrete apron yesterday, ready for a sortie over the Ethiopian-Eritrean border. ...Even farther, hidden from prying eyes was the plane's crew. But away from the airstrip, in the bars and hotels of Mekele, the men can be found: Russians and Ukrainians, mainly, with few Bulgarians, all working as technicians, advisers and instructors. The Russians have all been hired on private contracts with Russian companies, usually as part of a package including the supply of the planes, parts and maintenance - with no involvement by the Russian Governmenr. The same would apply to the Ukrainians and Bulgarians." -- Robin Lodge, The Times, Feb 19,1999

13. Now, with this unfortunate turn of events, let’s think back. Who has consistently called for a cessation of hostilities and asked for direct negotiations as a means by which to avoid such hostilities and who has consistently called for the use of force and refused direct negotiations?

14. International silence on these central and troubling components of Ethiopia's evident plan has allowed them to execute their intentions through a series of reckless and bumbling moves. Ethiopia has been allowed to get away with prolonged and systematic fraud. The international community must assume some responsibility for the very morbid farce which Ethiopia's objectives have created.

15. As for the world being so fixated with the US-RWANDA Peace Proposal and all that came after it, read the following:
    • "THERE HAVE BEEN A NUMBER OF PEACE PLANS, BUT ALL ARE BASED ON THE ORIGINAL PROPOSAL, PUT FORTH BY THE UNITED STATES AND RWANDA, CALLING FOR ERITREA TO WITHDRAW. WHILE THE U-S STATE DEPARTMENT HAS BACKED ALL SUBSEQUENT PROPOSALS, ONE SENIOR U-S OFFICIAL CLOSELY INVOLVED IN THE PEACE EFFORTS SAYS THE FIRST PROPOSAL WAS ARRIVED AT TOO HASTILY AND WITHOUT SUFFICIENT INPUT FROM ERITREA. HE ADDS IT IS A MISTAKE WHICH NEGOTIATORS CONTINUE TO MAKE." --VOA- Feb. 10, 1999

    • "Several countries are now calling for "a new approach," an Arab diplomat told AFP in Addis Ababa. Diplomats in Asmara also suggested that the OAU plan would have to be reworked for it to be accepted by Eritrea. "--AFP, Feb. 17, 1999

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    Eritrea’s Position has been consistent all along and this is:
    1. This border dispute can not be resolved by force. War is not only an impossible means by which to solve this dilemma; it is also, strategically and tactically, a terrible mistake.

    2. Unjust external pressure on Eritrea to acquiesce to Ethiopian ultimatums and threats had encouraged Ethiopia to try and use force. It has also postponed a solution to a very simple border dispute.

    3. Ethiopia must affirm its irreversible commitment to a peaceful solution by rescinding its declaration of war, formally accepting an immediate cessation of all hostilities, and engaging in the peace process to reach a mutually accepted agreement for a peaceful solution of the border dispute.

    4. It is imperative to remember that this is a border dispute. The ability to resolve this through technical demarcation and with the participation of neutral third parties has been the truth that Ethiopia has worked so hard to muzzle. It cannot be forgotten in the light of these recent and tragic developments.

    5. Eritrea would never fire the first bullet. But if Ethiopia continues its belligerence and aggression it reserves its right to self-defense.

    6. It is willing to redeploy its forces, but only under a mutual redeployment and only when a demilitarized zone is established. Furthermore it cannot have Ethiopian sovereignty over a disputed area in the interim.

    7. Ethiopia must accept and abide by, in no ambiguous manner, the cardinal principle of respecting established colonial borders. This principle is non-negotiable.