WHY THE MEDIA TILTS TOWARD ADDIS ABABA
John Rude
Mon, 22 May 2000 18:05:34 -0800
Recent events have once more given us a precise measure of the American attention span. Elian Gonzales dominates the news for six months, until we are choking on trivia, whereas a slow-building disaster in the Horn of Africa gets no attention, then, once it explodes, is deemed worthy of no more than four days of confused, inaccurate reporting.

Pitiful as this situation is, we must do more than protest -- we must seek and find explanations. Even if the media and the American public are unaware of the damage caused by their ignorance, we must believe, as mere humans, that they want to do the right thing. Christ admonished his listeners: "Those that have ears to hear, let them hear; those that are blind, let them see." The American public has ears and eyes, but it is kept systematically deaf and blind regarding these tumultuous events.

The reasons for this systematic ignorance are not hard to fathom. Some reasons are specific to the history of the Horn; others are more generic and deep-seated. Beginning with the deep reasons, we can list numerous barriers which have handicapped Eritrea in this struggle:

Add to these general problems the media’s calculated mis-use of symbols in the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, and it understandable that the little news which is allowed to peek through is heavily filtered to favor Ethiopia. First, most newspapers have cut back on foreign news generally, until now they only have the capacity to cover major crises, generally in larger countries. The new visual and real-time media (like CNN) depend on exaggerated conflict and human interest to put their stories across. They care more about immediacy than accuracy, and have no hesitation about manufacturing news in order to build an audience. Most critically, they have created the "news cycle", in which events must conform to peak viewing hours, or else reality simply falls off the programming schedule.

Both Ethiopia and Eritrea have tried to take advantage of this media environment, but Ethiopia has significant advantages. Ethiopia can play on the memories of older audiences with Mussolini’s 1935 invasion and Haile Selassie’s highly symbolic resistance at the League of Nations. Younger audiences are captivated by the Ras Tefarian Reggae music, and its One-World idealism. Against these powerful symbols, Eritrea’s lonely mantra of self-sufficiency has been too radical, too theoretical to get a firm grip on the public imagination.

Eritrea simply doesn’t appear on the radar screens of editors who decide what is "news" on a minute-by-minute basis. In the current crisis, Ethiopia owns the context: every event is done by Ethiopia, or happens to Ethiopia ? and (oh, by the way) there is that "other" country that must be just as stupid, because the Ethiopians claim that -- what’s it called, ErITrea? -- started this unnecessary war.

The news editor’s snapshot opinion happens to coincide with official U.S. policy, but this is no mere coincidence. Busy reporters don’t come to Visafric, Asmarino, Dehai or Walta (thank-goodness) to find out what’s happening in the Horn of Africa. They call someone who knows someone who once gave a speech on Africa, and when they reach this person (usually a professor or a low-level official in the State Department), minutes before deadline, they solicit their "expert" opinions. The fax machines start humming with articles by Paul Henze or Patrick Gilkey, the story is filed, and the reporter gets back to the much more lucrative Elian story, trying to find a way to stretch it into the next millenium.

It is important to keep in mind that the media in the United States are less independent or objective than in most other countries. Each editor is accountable to a publisher, who answers to advertisers, and to the complex of corporate masters who use the media they have acquired through mergers in order to sell, sell, sell. There are direct and tight connections between the corporate leaders of Time-Warner, Disney, Turner Broadcasting and the White House or Capitol Hill. Therefore, it is virtually impossible for newspapers or television stations to carry stories which don’t have a corporate/government stamp of approval.

An obscure French philosopher, Chamfort wrote (before he committed suicide to avoid the guillotine): "The public, the public ? how many fools does it take to make a public?" The reality which lies behind this sarcasm is all to clear in our age: public opinion is formed by elites, who skillfully maintain the illusion that a reverse process is at work ? that elites base their actions on public opinion. In Eritrea’s current crisis, no effort should be wasted by Eritrea’s supporters in trying to mold public opinion. We must go directly to the elites, present them with vivid evidence of Ethiopia’s invasion, and let them go about the work of manipulating symbols and bringing policies into line with reality.

How do we reach the elites? This is a question that has haunted many of us since the first shots were fired in Badme. I will make a few suggestions, not as an expert, but as someone who has tried all these strategies, succeeding occasionally, but more often experiencing intense frustration. In the battle for public relations, we should learn from the EDF ? to be flexible, pragmatic, and above all, effective.

  1. Move aggressively outside the Eritrean community to find supporters. This means that EVERY Eritrean should cultivate five, six or a dozen American (or Canadian or European) friends who are just as outraged as you are about the injustice of this war. Don’t try to inform the whole world; just make sure that a few fellow workers, students or family friends know everything important that they should know about Eritrea. Once they are convinced, get THEM to talk to THEIR friends.

  2. Identify and target your audience. Outside your circle of friends, there are several "natural allies" of Eritrea who WILL get involved if someone makes them aware of urgent needs. Here are a few on my list; you can add more:

  3. Present visual and personal stories. Uninformed Americans are easily confused by descriptions of events or political tensions, but they relate quickly and sympathetically to fleeing refugees, crying children, or starving elderly people. Don’t tell them about Eritrea’s suffering; SHOW pictures of individuals. Whenever possible, get high-quality visual footage to local and national TV bureaus. Help them edit the material so it has a strong narrative message, vividly showing the impact of the Ethiopian invasion on Eritrea’s displaced people.

  4. Get to the opinion-makers. Magazine and newspaper editors are the most difficult to reach, but they should receive relentless pressure from Eritrean-Americans to cover this story, or to accept guest opinion pieces. If you are refused, ask for reasons, and keep trying ? even if you know you will be refused again. The same strategy should be used for radio shows. Try to get the topic covered on talk-shows first, then tape commentary for regular broadcasts. Don’t worry about accents or being eloquent in English. Your story is simple and powerful; it will be understood and believed if Eritreans tell the story.

Events are moving so fast (and against the EDF, as I’m writing this), that it is easy to conclude that the situation is hopeless. But Eritrea’s crisis may be an opportunity in disguise. All Americans have sympathy for victims and under-dogs. Eritrea’s story, unlike Sierra Leone, cannot be dismissed with a shrug: "Oh, everyone is a Bad Guy." All the lies and posturing of Ethiopia are now exposed. Now is the time to drive home the points we have been making for months. We may need to return to the tiresome old David-and-Goliath clichés ? but this time, the elites will hear and believe us.

John Rude