Several news stories on the renewed fighting between Eritrea and Ethiopia have reported that Salim A. Salim, the Secretary General of the OAU, had declared that Ethiopia's objective was "to return land occupied by Eritrea". This malevolent statement was made in spite of his full knowledge that no state or organization has officially made any determination on the legal ownership of the disputed region, and that no Ethiopian authority, including the Prime Minister, could indicate the disputed area on a map when requested by the OAU High Level Delegation and the media. He is also fully aware that the US-Rwanda Facilitators had asked Eritrea to withdraw from Badme only as a "facing saving scheme" for Ethiopia while the OAU High Level Delegation had also requested Eritrea to withdraw as a sign of "goodwill" since Ethiopia had constantly bemoaned its humiliation at the hand of Eritrea.
However, this does not come as a surprise to anybody who had followed Salim's machinations since the eruption of the conflict. Only now, he is showing his true colors by a premature celebration and expression of delight in the mistaken belief that Ethiopia had indeed won the war and that it would be too late for Eritrea to protest. Little did he know that his comrades-in-arms, who had other ideas, were to contradict him almost immediately after his obnoxious statement. Throughout this period, he has doggedly pursued a course of action which was designed either to legitimize, or detract attention from, Ethiopia's gross violations of international law and practice while he determinedly demonized Eritrea and deliberately spread misinformation regarding its policies, misrepresented its objectives and distorted its statements.
A few examples are in order. I offer a few gleaned from information received from reliable first-hand and secondary US, European, Ethiopian, Eritrean and other African as well as OAU sources.
Salim had collaborated closely with the US in the formulation of the US-Rwanda Facilitators proposal. His contributions, it is reliably reported by a senior official of the OAU, were informed by extensive consultations with the Ethiopian government. Every request by Eritrea for a fact-finding mission, and particularly an on-the-spot investigation, were systematically circumvented by Salim and Susan Rice, the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. He was aware that, while Ethiopia had, for the obvious reason that its interests were reflected through his agency, endorsed the proposals, Eritrea had made several basic reservations on the US-Rwanda Facilitators Proposal during pre-negotiation. He knows that a facilitator is, by definition, not an arbitrator who can impose a decision and consequently could not advance proposals without the prior approval of both parties. Nevertheless he, in collusion with Ethiopia and under pressure by the US, decided to take the unprecedented step of introducing the facilitators' proposal at the OAU Council of Ministers meeting in Ouagadougou in June 1998. He even managed to have the afternoon meeting during which the Eritrean-Ethiopian dispute was to be discussed postponed until the evening to ensure the participation of Susan Rice. The participation of a non-African country in an OAU meeting in any but a ceremonial nature was not only unprecedented but a flagrant violation of the Charter and the Rules of Procedure. Even worse, one of the Facilitators- and the non-African at that- was allowed to dominate the discussion from the podium. Such domination of the discussion, and some US lobbying, resulted in rushing the ministers into accepting the facilitators' formula.
It is for this reason that many Eritreans are now joining the ranks of many Africans who are disturbed by the crude bullying of a super-power to impose at the UN and other fora decisions which served not the genuine African interests but its own interests and the interests of its African clients. It is for this reason that they also have nostalgic memories of the Cold War.
It is also reported by UN sources that Salim had collaborated with the US to torpedo a proposal by the UN Directors Committee which had, inter-alia, suggested mutual withdrawal from the disputed areas which would have been accepted to Eritrea but not to Ethiopia.
Many members of the EU delegation and a number of foreign representatives have been bewildered by his misrepresentation of the Eritrean case and have recently openly expressed their disgust at such deliberate falsifications and prevarications. Thus, he would for example dishonorably use the weight of his office to convince third parties that "both parties" violated human rights (even when it involved the deportation of members of his staff) and that "Eritrea had expelled just as many Ethiopians from Eritrea", that Ethiopia's violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic privileges was "necessary under the circumstances" and that he was therefore not in a position to take action beyond discussing the matter with the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry; and that "both sides" had bombed each other's towns- improbable as it was.
By the way, he took his cue from Susan Rice who, at the Ouagadougou Conference, outrageously declared, when asked by the Eritrean delegation to inform the Council as to who started bombing, that "both had bombed each other". "At precisely the same time"? was the silent question of disbelief that was asked by many a delegate. By far the worst of his most nefarious misinformations is his confidential assertion to the EU and others that Eritrea had intimated it would accept certain proposals, thus ensuring the insistence by these delegations on Eritrean acceptance of such fabricated proposals. Any member of the EU delegation to Eritrea would tell you that.
Salim has also used every cheap tactic he can possibly think of and seized every minor opportunity to handicap Eritrean diplomatic activity. For example, during the last OAU Summit in Ouagadougou, he managed to dupe Burkinabe protocol authorities to give the living quarters designated to the Eritrean delegation and ornamented by the Eritrean flag to the UN delegation led by Under-Secretary Susan Frechette. This was a juvenile attempt to deny the Eritrean delegation access to the other Heads of State and Government.
The recolonization process involves the adoption of client states, the capture of regional organizations and the recruitment of corruptible and controllable surrogates, preferably from among those who had been "taught their lessons" for their contrary views and intransigence in the past. Meles Zenawi's and Seyoum Mesfin's Ethiopia is, of course, a prime example. Nobody who has read Meles Zenawi's interview with the ex-CIA agent Paul Henze will have any doubts about the conscription of the ex-admirer of Albanian style Marxism by the latter. That interview could in fact have been entitled: "The Recruitment of a CIA Agent". Salim A. Salim, a profligate hedonist whose ambitions for higher office, including the Secretary Generalship of the UN, had been viciously and vengefully thwarted by the US for his childish display of joy by dancing in the General Assembly hall when the PCR joined the UN, is another good example. The Inter-Africa Group stationed in Addis Ababa and headed by Abdul Mohammed is also a good example of a CIA-affiliated NGO. The intrepid and incorruptable Africans like the president and leadership of Eritrea represent the opposite- the forces of the second liberation in Africa who wish to reconquer their own destines. Inevitably, the first two are required to ally against the latter and must perform the chores dictated by the new colonizers.
These new colonizers are, like their predecessors, arrogant, insensitive and dictatorial and, like all dictatorships, commit monumental blunders. They demand absolute submission and obedience from their client states and subaltern agents. At the same time, they will support the misadventures and follies of their clients and ensure the support of the regional and international organizations which they are controlling. Conversely, they will do whatever possible to eliminate the others who devote their energy and creativity to the social and economic reconstruction of their countries. The more things change in Africa, the more they remain the same. This explains the game played by the relevant actors in the Eritrean-Ethiopian conflict.