Ethiopian Regimes; Perpetual Menace To Eritrean
Unity
By: Fesseha Kidane(University of Asmara)
March 30, 2005
Eritrean unity against alien regional as well as international imperial powers
has its roots in pre colonial times. It is historically proved that, the chiefs
of midri bahri, (today’s Eritrea), has been uniting in the face of an external
threat. It is this unity that halted, the possible advance of Turkish, Egyptian,
Ethiopian and Italian from the Red Sea coast to the interior.
The annihilation of the Tigrian Markediwos and his forces, who were on the move
to collect tax from midri bahri, by the united front of midri bahri chiefs;
the united chiefs stand to protect the brutal wubie campaigns; Bahri Negasi’s
attempt to halt Turkish infiltration into the Eritrean highlands; The role played
by the Nara chiefs, Agotaie and latter Ali bida, in rallying the chiefs of the
Beniamir, Billen, Maria, and Mensae to unite in the face of the incessant and
brutal slave raids by Mahdists, Egyptians, and Ethiopians; the Afar under Mohammed
Anfarey killing Italian explorers and colonialists, and making travel through
their territory, especially to foreigners, risky and Bahta Hagos attempt to
rally the people of highland Eritrea, to rise against the Italians; are some
historical citations testifying to the existence of Eritrean unity in the remote
past. It is indisputable that, these encounters were sporadic, but the leading
figures in these encounters called upon Eritrean unity in the face of the threat.
To put it in simple words, these incidents were fought under the banner of Eritrean
unity. The alert reader could imagine the existence of Eritrean unity in the
remote pre-colonial times.
Turning back to Ethiopian centrifugal and marauding disposition towards Eritrea,
which is the focus of our concern here, goes back beyond colonial times. Starting
in the 16th and 17th century, successive Ethiopian regional feudal lords have
been always on the move to disrupt Eritrean unity. After the reign of Bahri
Negasi Ishaq, there emerged powerful chiefs in the highlands of Eritrea. Some
of these chiefs were not only strong but they were also in a position to question
Ethiopian authority. Successive Ethiopian lords committed themselves to incite
troubles among these compatriots. They began nominating some of these chiefs
as their vassals and played them against rival chiefs. As a consequence of this
divide and rule mechanism, the once united front of the Eritrean chiefs turned
in to a hostile one. Several chiefs were engaged in conflict against one another,
while Ethiopia kept on sharpening their differences. With this, the unity of
Midri Bahri was lost and the Eritrean highland turned into a scene of fratricidal
conflicts. The conflict between the ruling houses of Hazega and Tseazega could
be cited as an example of these conflicts.
Historically, this marks the beginning of the deep-seated and deep-rooted Ethiopian
inclination to disrupt Eritrean unity, which fragments of which still survive
in the hearts and minds of the contemporary despotic, warmonger and recalcitrant
Wayne Juntas.
Walking in the footsteps of the colonial period, Italian colonial aspiration
and its endorsement by the Berlin conference brought Eritrea under Italian colonial
umbrella. World War II victory went in favor of the allied powers (Britain,
U.S.A, France, and Russia), and on the basis of subsequent deliberations held
between these allied powers, Eritrea was placed under the tutelage of the British
Military Administration. During the British military administration, Eritrean
unity again resurfaced, under the banner of nationalism. In Europe nationalism
has been the byproduct of capitalism, the extension of capitalism in to the
European colonial possessions, led to the emergence of nationalism in the colonized
territories. As a manifestation of this, in Eritrea, during the British military
administration, we see the formation of different political parties united on
the platform of Eritrean independence. Thence, Ethiopia, under the feudal and
autocratic emperor Hailesilassie, now committed itself to thwart Eritrean aspirations
for independence. To hinder this unity, Ethiopia resorted to the use of ecclesiastical
(the Coptic Church under Keshi Dimetros) institutions, to preach the Ethiopian
religion of the day,” Eritrean unity with Ethiopia.”
Finally, geopolitical considerations (because of the cold war) and Ethiopian
astute manipulation of the Eritrean case dragged Eritrea into the feudal and
federal nest of Ethiopia. Eritreans, with their pacifist appeals for independence,
were betrayed, owing to the conspiracy of the great powers, especially the US
America. The premise, for federating Eritrea with Ethiopia is succinctly depicted
in the words of the then secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, in his words;
“From the point of view of justice, Eritreans deserve their independence, but
for reasons of geopolitical considerations, Eritrea will remain federated with
our ally Ethiopia.”
The possibility of wining independence, now virtually dashed, the Eritrean people
began to realize that struggle is the only means to that end. As a result, Eritrean
unity under the banner of “struggle for independence” began to take a new dimension
under the leadership of E.L.M (Eritrean Liberation Movement, Haraka). This unity
achieved under ELM was again lost under the E.L.F, owing to the latter’s sectarian
and religious discriminatory policies. This unity again was achieved under the
dynamic and cohesive leadership of the EPLF. It is this unity, nurtured under
the EPLF, which led to the attainment of our independence and testified the
invincibility of the Eritrean Unity.
To be recalled, Ethiopian inclination to disrupt Eritrean unity is to a large
extent an inherited phenomenon. Having its roots deep in the past, this evil
disposition has been passing like a chain within the Ethiopian leadership circle.
The Eritro-Ethiopian conflict that erupted in 1998, though masked by other cases,
has its deep-rooted and heart buried reasons in this long historical process.