Eritrea calls on the UN to rectify its non-attendance to its obligations
By: Shabait Staff
July 5, 2004
After a bitter and long struggle that demanded priceless lives, Eritrea secured
its independence in 1991, leading to a new realm of stability and hope in the
region. In the years that followed up to 1998, the peoples of the region, blessed
with the tranquility that had prevailed, had been able to place their entire
focus on moving forward with developmental programs and efforts to improve their
living conditions and, in the process, register remarkable progress. In May
of 1998, the regime in Ethiopia, out of the clear blue declared a war against
Eritrea, which by any standards was illegal and unjustifiable, and thereby dragging
the region that has long suffered from the miseries of war into an atmosphere
of renewed tension and mass destruction.
Instead of looking into the genesis and development of the new tensions of war
built up by the Addis Ababa regime in a noble effort on the part of the international
community to bring peace back into the region, facilitators led by the then
US officials ended up further complicating matters by taking decisions that
lacked scrutiny and tangible assessment of the case.
By exploiting the errors committed by the facilitators in the initial stage,
the Government of Ethiopia that had been beating the war drums launched three
all-out offensives against Eritrea. Young men and women in the tens of thousands
were killed in those wars and the resources of the two countries became exposed
to insurmountable destruction. Parallel to these unfortunate occurrences, hundreds
of thousands of Eritrean civilians were either killed or tortured and their
property confiscated by the regime in Ethiopia. Eritreans that had resided in
Ethiopia for many years were expelled from that country and those that had inhabited
areas that regrettably became the war zone were displaced from their home villages.
Following fruitless attempts made through the offensives unleashed, the plans
of the Ethiopian government were foiled and had arrived at a dead end, which
led to the inevitable signing of the Algiers Agreement on the Cessation of Hostilities
and the Comprehensive Peace Deal in 2000. Based on those agreements, the Temporary
Security Zone (TSZ) was established, the United Nations Peacekeeping Forces
deployed and the Boundary Commission set up.
Based on the Algiers Agreement, the Boundary Commission gave its final and binding
decision in April 2002. According to the timetable set up by the Boundary Commission,
the demarcation of the borders should have been completed by November of 2003.
No thanks to the stubbornness of the Ethiopian regime, the implementation of
the demarcation process remains to date far from accomplished. Finally, and
in a show of utter disrespect to the agreements it signed and the rule of law,
the Government of Ethiopia officially declared in its written statement to the
United Nations, its outright rejection of the boundary commission’s decision
and relevant resolutions in their entirety.
It had been a naturally legal conception that the international community had
been mandated with its obligation to take measures based on Chapter VII of the
UN Charter against any party that violated the terms of the Algiers Agreement.
It is more than two years now since the Boundary Commission announced its decision.
Unfortunately, the international community, as embodied in the United Nations,
has not taken effective measures to date although it has obligations either
to persuade Ethiopia to respect the decision, or failing that, to take appropriate
punitive action against it. As a consequence of the international community’s
failure to live up to its commitments, the situation is accordingly assuming
an increasingly dangerous proportion.
As a result of the Addis Ababa regime’s rejection, the Algiers Agreements, sacrosanct
principles and the rule of law have been overstepped, the decision of the Boundary
Commission suspended and the implementation of the border demarcation obstructed.
What is more dismaying and far too amusing for Eritrea, however, are the UN’s
misguided efforts that focus on diversionary issues as a substitute to firm
action that is vital to persuade Ethiopia to respect the Agreement. These efforts
are not only complicating the problems and postponing a solution but they are
also encouraging and rewarding Ethiopian intransigence.
The issue of the Special Envoy of the Secretary General is a case in point.
The unfortunate decision taken to appoint a Special Envoy, precisely at a time
when international effort should have been galvanized to secure Ethiopia’s compliance
with its treaty obligations, has set in motion a dilatory and complicating “mechanism”.
Eritrea has not to date received a satisfactory explanation to its queries regarding
the mandate of the Special Envoy. The conclusion that Eritrea can draw from
the facts known to date is that this measure is a substitute to effective action
that will only lead to endless and fruitless cycle of diplomatic wrangling and
public relations exercise.
The second issue regards the Peacekeeping Force. Eritrea had accepted the establishment
of a temporary security zone, where the Peacekeeping force would principally
be deployed – inside its sovereign territory for the sake of, and in order to
facilitate, a permanent, legal and fair solution. The lopsided arrangement war
not, otherwise, justified by any standards. For Eritrea, the Peacekeeping Force
symbolizes the “sanctity and integrity of Agreements made; the supremacy of
international law and the rule of law; the prestige of the United Nations; and,
Eritrea’s faithful adherence to Agreements it has solemnly signed.” Eritrea
has no desire to dwell on the conduct of the Peacekeeping Force since much has
been said already. The decision to withdraw, or reduce the size of, the Peacekeeping
force is also a matter that regards solely the United Nations and relevant agreements.
Eritrea cannot comment on this decision. Nonetheless, Eritrea cannot accept
to be used as a scapegoat by those who insinuate that “the peacekeeping force
will be withdrawn because it has been prevented from fulfilling its functions
by restrictions imposed by the Eritrean Government”. In Eritrea’s view, these
arguments are advanced to conceal the failure of the international community
to shoulder its obligations.
The third diversionary point regards the campaign underway claiming that “both
sides are preparing for war”… “war is imminent”…etc. Eritrea has and continues
to direct its efforts, with patience and for more than two years now since the
decision of the Boundary Commission, on legal approaches and instruments. Our
priority remains the development of our country to which objective we are channeling
all our national resources. In the event, Eritrea wonders whether these campaigns
are carried out deliberately to shift the blame on it and thereby downplay the
failure of the international community.
The issue of Assab and the port’s usage comes as a fourth obscuring and time-buying
point. The stand of the people and government of Eritrea on this matter remains
firm and clear as has been repeatedly expressed. This point serves no other
purpose apart from creating a divergence from the main line of reasoning and
complicating matters even further. There is no justifiable reason whatsoever
why the issue of the port’s usage should come up in connection with the border
demarcation process as the two issues fall short of any minute correlation between
them. Practically speaking, the port of Djibouti is conducting all preparations
to provide necessary infrastructure and thereby serve as the main port for Ethiopia’s
utility. Apart from the intentions of setting up the platform for Eritrea and
Ethiopia to remain enmeshed in tensions and conflict, raising such a point at
this stage will embody no other meaning except to engage in diversions. It should
also become clear at this point that Eritrea has no intentions of entering into
a bid of selling off its ports services with Djibouti.
There are other issues advanced mainly to create confusion or to compound the
problem. But all of them boil down to evading the critical issue as the local
proverb goes: “you cannot crawl and hide when you have stolen a camel!”
In connection with the UN Secretary General’s visit to Asmara, the Government
of Eritrea avails of the occasion to renew its appeal to Mr. Kofi Annan and
the international community at large, to shoulder their moral and legal responsibilities
to ensure the respect of the Agreements and the rule of law and secure Ethiopia’s
acceptance and implementation of the Boundary Commission’s decision. Eritrea
also appeals to the international community to abandon efforts that will only
undermine the main issue and embroil Eritrea in endless and fruitless exercise.
Two years is a long time. Especially for the people of Eritrea that have paid
dear prices for the sake of peace and prosperity, two years is a long time indeed.