From day one when the regime in Ethiopia declared its war of aggression
in violation of Eritrea’s sovereignty, the regime embarked on its sixth sense
of endless intimidations by engaging in the exploitation of decisions made by
mediators in its effort to disorient the international community. Even five
year after the start of the conflict when the Eritrean-Ethiopian peace process
took on the road of stability with the ruling of the boundary commission’s decision
on April 13, 2002, the regime has yet refused to let go of its dismantled sinister
ploys.
Victimized by its own schizophrenic behavior and living in an unstable world
of its own, the Ethiopian regime’s situation continues to deteriorate, as it
indefinitely remains held hostage by history and its own historical blunders,
deep-rooted in the regime’s unassailable psychological and moral restrictions
represented by gluttony, resentment, reluctance, conspiracy and low self-esteem.
It has been quite a while now since the decision passed by the boundary commission clearly defined which party had held on to justice and the desire for peace and which one had been engaged in a campaign of deceitfulness and commotion when the international panel of judges, previously regarded by the regime as capable of granting Ethiopia its belongings and even more, passed a ‘final and binding’ decision which brought out the truth in its vivid colors for victims of the conflict and observers of the peace process alike to discover. Nevertheless, the Ethiopian regime continues to this very day to search for ways to cripple and delay the border delimitation process, and if possible even bring the decision to a dead end.
When the regime became exposed to failures and insolvency as a result of the
medieval times’ political strategy of ethnicity it tried to play down, typical
of previous rulers in Ethiopia’s history, the current regime made an attempt
to use Badme as an escape hatch from the heaps of goof-ups it had piled up and
subject Eritrea to its war of aggression under the pretext of a border issue.
Following the boundary commission’s rulings, the regime continued to concoct
endless fairy tales about claiming victory over contested territories and beyond.
When their fabrications failed to sell, the Ethiopian public began to inquire
as to what was the point of the entire massacre that resulted from the unjustifiable
conflict, a question that no member of the regime can respond to. On the contrary,
it piled up more layers on the regime’s initial slip-up; leaving it to languish
in the world of endless miseries it created around itself.
Even so, the regime does not seem convinced yet that the only option it remains
with in solving its internal political turbulence induced by its military adventurism
and political immaturity is to courageously confess to the Ethiopian public
and take accountability for the futile strategy it undertook in pursuing an
unprofitable war. This regime rather sticks to its destructive ways of foul
play and obstruction of justice.
Ironic as it may sound, on one hand the regime pursued its Machiavellian stand
as it engaged in drumming up support from neighboring countries and activating
a still born mini-axis with the intentions to cut off and frustrate Eritrea,
snooping around diplomats and mediators who can grant the regime its insatiable
desires and, like a coffin maker, praying for the death of the boundary commission’s
president. On the other hand, putting their pride and that of the Ethiopia and
its people they claim to administer in a ridiculous situation, the regime got
busy in coming up with pathetic statements more like cries of agony such as,
“we will go insane if Badme is not granted to us,” “we believe you are more
broadminded that the boundary commission personnel, please revise the evidences
we have presented over Badme,” “if only Eritrea’s disciples of peace were not
imprisoned, we were beginning to get along pretty fine with them,” “members
of the boundary commission do not seem to be trustworthy, we want another credible
and distinguished jury,” “why don’t we turn Badme into an amusement park between
Eritrea and Ethiopia as was the case in Latin America,” “we understand that
you would share in our sorrows if we do not get ownership of Badme.” The list
is endless.
The regime in Ethiopia needs to comprehend that there is only one solid truth
and that is the fact that no trick or rejection whatsoever can rule over justice.
This joyride ends at the “final and binding” decision, which the regime bowed
down to after pulling every stunt in its reach and failing to come up with any
result to its campaign of aggression and political fraudulence. Final means
binding and binding means final. Period!!! The boundary commission’s decision
which has highly decorated Eritrea’s resistance and cause for the truth to prevail
is as clear as the morning sky, and any attempt to tamper with such a decision
would be in vain. For the regime in Ethiopia, Badme is now history. It never
was and never will be part of Ethiopia. If the regime, however, intends to pursue
it political adventurism by violating Eritrea’s territorial integrity and at
the expense of Ethiopia’s youth once again in order to release its tension and
frustration, the regime will only drag itself into worse chaos. There had been
many golden opportunities that the Ethiopian regime could have exploited but
never did. It has to sink in with the regime now that trying to overcome turbulence
by devising more chaos is not the solution.
In a major blow to the wild dreams and intentions of the regime in Ethiopia,
international and regional organizations and guarantors of the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement and corresponding decisions of the boundary commission explicitly
emphasized that the boundary commission’s decision is final and binding and
that the signatories have no other option but to abide by and respect the decision.
The Eritrea-Ethiopia boundary commission is the sole body mandated with the
rulings and in no part of the decision does it state or even imply that there
is room for adjustments, thereby warning the regime in Ethiopia to quit its
act of felony and bow down to the rule of law.
All the pampering over these past years has not tamed the regime’s delinquency. It only resulted in spoiling the regime all the more. Today, the regime remains engaged in draining every last drop of energy it has in using global issues and diplomatic channels as a cover for its sinister plan to influence the border delimitation process, or if not, even settle for a stalemate.
Apart from its impact on the drought situation and displacement of nationals, which Eritrea can efficiently handle, the Government of Eritrea believes that the uncertainty of a finished war declare not over yet and an indeterminate peace ushered in has its bearings in leaving the people and the nation in suspension consequently affecting progress in national programs of development that Eritrea is already embarking on. Most of all, however, such a stance continues to place the status of the regional peace and stability at stake.
Based on Article 14 of the Algiers Agreement however, any party that violates
the decision should be held accountable according to Chapter VII of the United
Nations Charter, which includes an imposition of embargoes by guarantors of
the peace agreement on the noncompliant party. There should be neither any room
for Eritrea’s national and regional peace to be held hostage by a firebrand
regime nor any leeway for the rule of law or the United Nations Organization
set up over half a century ago for global peace and stability and its principles
and charters to be undermined by a group of outlaws pursuing the law of the
jungle, which would also eventually set a bad precedence for other similar terrorist
clans to pursue. Beyond giving out benign statements and showing disapprovals,
severe practical measures should be taken for the regime in Ethiopia to wake
up to reality and give up its political immaturity. There is no other better
way of communicating with an aggressor than by speaking its language.