Introduction to the series…
This rather long and somewhat discursive introduction to the ongoing series I have dubbed “The Dilemma of U.S. Policy in Ethiopia: Policy Options” [hereinafter “policy options series”] is necessary to set the stage for what I hope will be a cyber platform for ongoing discussions and exchange of creative and innovative ideas for a more effective U.S. policy in Ethiopia.
In 1991, the U.S. played the role of power broker effectively delivering Ethiopia into the hands of the TPLF. Ethiopia became one of the last pawns in the Cold War.
Over the past quarter of a century, the U.S. has poured tens of billions of American tax dollars to support the regime of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front.
What has the U.S. received in return?
I would argue not even a heartfelt thank you. The Chinese got all of the “thank you’s”.
What do American taxpayers have to show for the billions of dollars in aid they poured into Ethiopia?
I am afraid, not much!
It is unfortunate that a significant portion of U.S. aid in Ethiopia over the past quarter of a century has been looted, stolen, misused and illicitly transferred out of the country by the leaders of the Thugtatorship of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (T-TPLF).
I do not discuss specific policy options, proposals or recommendations for U.S. policy in Ethiopia in this commentary. That shall follow in subsequent commentaries in the form of “Policy Options” papers, analyses and documents.
In this commentary, I merely set the stage for the ongoing series by pulling together key foundational questions, issues, facts and critical analyses which will help inform my future policy discussions, analyses and recommendations.
In this series, I aim to achieve several broad objectives: 1) Spark informed debate and robust discussion on the likely outcomes of the current situation in Ethiopia in general, and more specifically focus on what the U.S. can and should do (and must not do) in light of emerging developments in Ethiopia. 2) Generate informed policy analysis and recommendations for consideration and use by American policy makers responsible for formulating policy in Ethiopia. 3) Educate the concerned Ethiopian and American publics on available policy options and risks and opportunities associated with particular policy options in Ethiopia. 4) Directly engage American policy makers in the executive and policy forums and help shape U.S. policy in Ethiopia. 5) Generate a body of cogent policy analyses which will serve to promote democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Ethiopia.
There has been a dearth of critical, informed and evidence-based analysis on U.S. policy in Ethiopia over the past decade. Yet, there is a considerable body of publicly available data which cries out for mining by Ethiopian and Ethiopian American scholars and policy analysts. What is available in the Ethiopian blogosphere, in large part, simply does not cut the mustard as policy analysis.
I want to state emphatically that the foremost purpose of the series herein is to invite, indeed to vigorously challenge, Ethiopian and Ethiopian American scholars, academics, researchers, policy analysts and other Ethiopianists to come forward and make a contribution to better inform U.S. policy in Ethiopia. This undertaking should not be regarded as something novel. American scholars of diverse national heritage engage American leaders in the executive and legislative branches in a variety of ways every day, including as “experts”, “specialists”, “consultants”, “analysts” and in other professional capacities.
To clarify, I refer to “Ethiopian” and “Ethiopian American” scholars and others herein to signify the fact that Ethiopian Americans as citizens and taxpayers have the constitutional right to make demands on their government. Ethiopian Americans have the right to petition their government for a redress of grievances, which means among other things, they can demand their government change its domestic or foreign policies. Regrettably, Ethiopians have no such right in their country, or in the U.S., obviously. But they do have a right to express themselves under international law, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
On a number of occasions over the years, particularly during my days of advocacy for passage of H.R. 2003, I have been asked two critical questions by very influential people in the U.S. government (neither of which I have been unable to answer adequately to this day). 1) “What is the consensus of Ethiopian intellectuals about U.S. policy in Ethiopia?” 2) “Why can’t the Ethiopian opposition come as a unified voice and engage in grassroots advocacy in Congress?”
Passage of H.R. 2003 (“Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act”) in the U.S. House of Representatives in November 2007 is compelling evidence that determined collective action can indeed impact the policy making process.
Better late than never! Perhaps this series could help focus the efforts of the Ethiopian democratic opposition in the United States to come together and directly contribute to the policy process.
I believe Ethiopian American intellectuals today have a great opportunity to impact policy in the Trump administration, if only they can compartmentalize their views on Trump as a person and president. I know many of them have disengaged from the policy process over the past couple of years embittered by the monumental betrayal of Barack Obama.
